What you'll learn

• How sociologists define religion, religiosity and secularisation.
• Why Britain looks increasingly secular, but not simply “religion-free”.
• How globalisation spreads and reshapes religions across the world.
• How to evaluate this topic using evidence, methods and contemporary examples.

1. Starting point: religion and religiosity

A key A-Level point is that religion is not just “going to church”. In contemporary society it can shape identity, culture, family life, politics, education, gender expectations, food practices, dress, festivals and community support.

In the UK, for example, religion still matters through faith schools, halal and kosher food markets, mosque and gurdwara communities, Christian traditions in the monarchy, religious charities, chaplaincy in prisons and hospitals, and debates about abortion, sexuality and assisted dying.

Religion, identity and social differentiation

Religion often intersects with social differentiation, meaning the way society is divided by factors such as ethnicity, gender, class, age and region. In Britain, religious identity is often especially significant for minority ethnic communities, partly because religion can provide belonging, cultural continuity and protection against racism.

Religion also links to power and stratification. Some religious institutions reproduce inequalities, for example through male leadership or conservative views on sexuality. But religion can also challenge power, for example through food banks, anti-racist organising, liberation theology, or campaigns for social justice.

2. Secularisation: what does it mean?

Bruce develops the secularisation argument by focusing on three broad signs:

• Declining religious participation, such as falling church attendance.
• Declining religious belief, such as fewer people identifying as Christian.
• Declining religious authority, such as churches having less control over law, education, family life and morality.

The UK secularisation debate is often taught through a timeline of declining Christian identification, falling mainstream church attendance and competing interpretations of what this means.

Why might secularisation happen?

For secularisation theorists, modernity weakens religion because science explains events that were once seen as supernatural, and because people increasingly make individual choices rather than simply accepting tradition.

Parsons argued that differentiation does not necessarily destroy religion, but it narrows its role. Religion becomes more private, focused on meaning and morality rather than directly controlling the whole social system.

Bruce also argues that religious pluralism, meaning the existence of many competing religious beliefs in the same society, can weaken certainty. If people are surrounded by multiple truth claims, religion may become more like a choice than an unquestioned authority.

3. Evidence for secularisation in Britain

A strong AO1 answer should use evidence carefully. In England and Wales, the 2021 Census recorded Christian identity at 46.2%, down from 59.3% in 2011, while “no religion” rose to 37.2%. This suggests a major decline in Christian cultural identification.

Church attendance and membership in mainstream denominations, especially the Church of England and Methodism, have also fallen over the long term. Sunday schools and traditional church-based community life have become far less central than in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

However, this evidence needs evaluation. Census data measures self-identification, not strength of belief or worship. A person ticking “Christian” may rarely attend church; a person ticking “no religion” may still believe in God, ghosts, fate, karma or spirituality.

4. Challenges to the secularisation thesis

Davie argues that Britain may show believing without belonging: people stop attending church but continue to hold religious or spiritual beliefs. She later used the idea of vicarious religion, where a small religious minority performs rituals on behalf of a wider population, such as funerals, national mourning or royal ceremonies.

Postmodern sociologists argue that religion may be changing form rather than simply declining. Lyon suggests that religion becomes more media-based, consumer-driven and individualised. Hervieu-Léger describes modern believers as “pilgrims” and “converts”, choosing spiritual paths rather than inheriting fixed traditions.

New Age spirituality, mindfulness, yoga, astrology and wellness cultures may show a move from institutional religion to personal spirituality. But Bruce would evaluate this critically: such movements are often small, loosely organised and less socially powerful than traditional churches once were.

5. Secularisation in a global context

The global picture is much more complex than the British one. Western Europe is among the most secular regions in the world, but religion remains powerful in many parts of Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, South Asia and the USA.

Norris and Inglehart explain global patterns using existential security theory. This argues that people are more likely to be religious where life feels insecure, for example because of poverty, conflict, weak welfare systems or high inequality. Religion can provide meaning, hope, community and support.

This helps explain why secularisation appears strongest in wealthy welfare societies, especially parts of Europe. But it also needs evaluation: the USA has historically combined wealth with high religiosity, partly because of inequality, religious competition and strong evangelical politics.

Casanova argues that religion has often become de-privatised, meaning it re-enters public life and politics rather than staying private. Examples include evangelical influence in US politics, political Islam, Hindu nationalism in India, and Catholic influence in Poland.

6. Measuring religiosity: methods matter

Sociologists use different evidence to measure religion:

• Official statistics, such as Census data.
• Surveys, such as British Social Attitudes.
• Attendance and membership figures from religious organisations.
• Qualitative interviews and ethnographies of religious communities.

Each method has strengths and weaknesses. Large surveys can be representative and reliable, but may lack validity if questions are too simple. Interviews can reveal meanings and identities in depth, but are harder to generalise from.

Practical issues include access to religious communities, language barriers and inconsistent attendance records. Ethical issues include confidentiality, especially where beliefs are sensitive or minority groups are already stereotyped. Theoretically, positivists may prefer measurable trends, while interpretivists argue that religion must be understood through lived meaning.

7. Globalisation and the spread of religions

Globalisation spreads religions through migration, diaspora communities, missionary activity, global media, online worship, pilgrimage, religious charities and transnational networks.

The concept map below shows how globalisation can spread religion, reshape identities and also produce conflict or revival.

In Britain, post-war migration helped establish larger Muslim, Hindu, Sikh and Pentecostal Christian communities. Mosques, temples, gurdwaras and Black-majority churches are now part of the religious landscape of cities such as London, Birmingham, Leicester and Bradford.

Digital religion also matters. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many churches, mosques, temples and synagogues used livestreams, WhatsApp groups and online study sessions. This shows that globalisation does not simply weaken religion; it can create new forms of religious community.

8. Globalisation, uncertainty and fundamentalism

Giddens argues that late modernity creates uncertainty because traditions are questioned and people must constantly make choices. Fundamentalism can offer certainty, authority and identity in a rapidly changing world.

Castells links this to resistance identity, where groups build strong identities in opposition to global capitalism, Westernisation or secular values. Bruce similarly argues that religion can be especially strong in situations of cultural defence, where a group feels threatened, or cultural transition, where migrants use religion to maintain identity in a new society.

Huntington’s “clash of civilisations” thesis claims global conflict increasingly occurs between religious-cultural blocs. This is useful for showing the political significance of religion, but it is often criticised as too simplistic. It ignores diversity within religions and downplays economic inequality, colonial history and state power.

9. The overall judgement

For essays, the strongest argument is usually not “religion is declining everywhere” or “religion is coming back everywhere”. The best judgement is that religion is changing unevenly.

In Britain, there is strong evidence of secularisation in relation to traditional Christianity: falling church attendance, weaker Christian identity and less religious control over law and morality. But religion remains significant through minority faiths, public rituals, welfare, education, identity and politics.

Globally, secularisation is not universal. Religion is growing or remaining powerful in many societies, especially where migration, insecurity, inequality, nationalism or global media strengthen religious identity. Globalisation can weaken religion through pluralism and consumer choice, but it can also spread, revive and intensify it.