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technical and secondary modern schools."},{"text":"1918 Education Act / Fisher Act.","correct":false,"explanation":"The 1918 Education Act expanded elementary education and raised the school-leaving age, but it did not introduce free secondary education for all. That was the 1944 Education Act, or Butler Act."},{"text":"1965 Education Act / Circular 10/65.","correct":false,"explanation":"Circular 10/65 was issued in 1965 to encourage comprehensive schools, not to introduce free secondary education. The policy establishing this was the 1944 Education Act, also known as the Butler Act."},{"text":"1988 Education Reform Act / Baker Act.","correct":false,"explanation":"The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced the national curriculum and market-based reforms, rather than free secondary education for all. The correct legislation was the 1944 Education Act, or Butler Act."}]},{"id":"61f00d28-7fa2-4388-8664-58e15d19c617","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] allocated pupils to secondary schools using the [ ] exam.","back":"The Tripartite System allocated pupils to secondary schools using the 11-Plus exam.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The Tripartite System allocated pupils to secondary schools using the 11-Plus exam.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Tripartite System divided pupils between grammar, technical and secondary modern schools, with the 11-Plus exam used to decide which type of school they entered."},{"text":"The Comprehensive System allocated pupils to secondary schools using the 11-Plus exam.","correct":false,"explanation":"The 11-Plus was associated with the Tripartite System, not comprehensive education. Comprehensive schools generally aimed to educate pupils of all abilities together without this selection into school types."},{"text":"The Tripartite System allocated pupils to secondary schools using the GCSE exam.","correct":false,"explanation":"GCSEs were introduced much later and assess pupils at around age 16. The Tripartite System selected pupils at about age 11 using the 11-Plus exam."},{"text":"The Comprehensive System allocated pupils to secondary schools using the GCSE exam.","correct":false,"explanation":"Neither term fits the historical arrangement: the Tripartite System allocated pupils and the 11-Plus made the selection. Comprehensive schools rejected this type of early division."}]},{"id":"7910d2c3-317e-4504-ab0a-1d9f1c93d293","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What curriculum did Grammar Schools mainly provide?","back":"An academic curriculum leading to university and professions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"An academic curriculum leading to university and professions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Grammar Schools were designed for pupils who passed the 11-Plus and offered an academic curriculum intended to prepare them for university, professional careers and higher-status occupations."},{"text":"A practical, non-academic curriculum for manual or clerical work.","correct":false,"explanation":"This curriculum was mainly associated with Secondary Modern Schools. Grammar Schools instead provided an academic curriculum leading towards university and professional occupations."},{"text":"A vocational, technical curriculum leading to engineering apprenticeships.","correct":false,"explanation":"Technical Schools were intended to provide vocational and technical education, although few were built. Grammar Schools mainly offered an academic curriculum leading to university and professions."},{"text":"A general, mixed-ability curriculum without examination preparation.","correct":false,"explanation":"A general mixed-ability curriculum is closer to the comprehensive ideal. Grammar Schools were selective and mainly provided an academic curriculum designed to support university and professional progression."}]},{"id":"32a3b0b5-48bd-4eee-a824-2abb73b55dc3","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What curriculum did Secondary Modern Schools mainly provide?","back":"A practical, non-academic curriculum for manual or clerical work.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"A practical, non-academic curriculum for manual or clerical work.","correct":true,"explanation":"Secondary Modern Schools mainly prepared pupils for employment through a practical, non-academic curriculum, commonly directing them towards manual or clerical occupations rather than university."},{"text":"An academic curriculum leading to university and professions.","correct":false,"explanation":"This was the main role of Grammar Schools, which selected pupils through the 11-Plus. Secondary Modern Schools generally offered a practical, non-academic curriculum for manual or clerical work."},{"text":"A technical curriculum leading to scientific research and medicine.","correct":false,"explanation":"Technical education was associated with the intended role of Technical Schools, not Secondary Modern Schools. Secondary Moderns mainly provided practical, non-academic preparation for manual or clerical employment."},{"text":"A classical curriculum leading to university and civil service.","correct":false,"explanation":"A classical academic route was more characteristic of Grammar Schools. Secondary Modern Schools mainly offered practical, non-academic education intended to prepare pupils for manual or clerical work."}]},{"id":"8f55aa20-6b38-4d9d-8d55-ad1d5a5c7ecd","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why were very few Technical Schools built?","back":"They lacked sufficient funding.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They lacked sufficient funding.","correct":true,"explanation":"Very few Technical Schools were built because they lacked sufficient funding and resources. As a result, the tripartite structure became dominated by Grammar Schools and Secondary Modern Schools."},{"text":"They lacked sufficient qualified teachers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Teacher shortages could affect schools, but the key explanation for the small number of Technical Schools was insufficient funding. This prevented the planned technical sector from developing widely."},{"text":"They lacked sufficient parental demand.","correct":false,"explanation":"Limited parental demand was not the main reason given for the shortage of Technical Schools. Their development was restricted primarily because they did not receive sufficient funding."},{"text":"They lacked sufficient examination places.","correct":false,"explanation":"The problem was not a shortage of examination places. Technical Schools were rarely established because insufficient funding limited the buildings, equipment and provision needed for them."}]},{"id":"4c47a107-daad-4d3f-a317-26935ffb6911","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why did sociologists see the 11+ as class-biased?","back":"It favoured middle-class pupils with cultural capital.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It favoured middle-class pupils with cultural capital.","correct":true,"explanation":"The 11-Plus was seen as class-biased because middle-class pupils were more likely to possess cultural capital, such as language styles, knowledge and confidence valued by the test."},{"text":"It favoured working-class pupils with cultural capital.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural capital was more commonly associated with middle-class advantage in education. The 11-Plus was criticised because it favoured middle-class pupils who were more likely to possess it."},{"text":"It favoured middle-class pupils through positive discrimination.","correct":false,"explanation":"The concern was not an official policy of positive discrimination, but unequal cultural resources influencing performance. Middle-class pupils were thought to benefit from greater cultural capital in the 11-Plus."},{"text":"It favoured all pupils with economic capital.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic capital can support educational success, but the specific sociological criticism of the 11-Plus focused on middle-class cultural capital and the advantages it gave some pupils."}]},{"id":"74c83a2b-3a31-48e1-a236-1ea99d584d80","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did the 11+ disadvantage girls?","back":"Girls often needed higher scores for grammar places.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Girls often needed higher scores for grammar places.","correct":true,"explanation":"In some areas, girls had to achieve higher 11-Plus scores than boys to gain grammar-school places. This gendered selection reduced girls’ chances of accessing the academic route."},{"text":"Girls often needed lower scores for grammar places.","correct":false,"explanation":"The criticism was that girls faced a higher threshold, not a lower one. Requiring higher scores made grammar-school access more difficult for girls than for boys in some areas."},{"text":"Girls often received fewer questions in the 11-Plus exam.","correct":false,"explanation":"The disadvantage concerned the score required for admission rather than the number of questions in the examination. Girls often needed higher scores to obtain grammar-school places."},{"text":"Girls often received automatic places in grammar schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Girls were not automatically admitted to Grammar Schools. In some areas they faced a higher required score than boys, making selection into grammar schools more difficult."}]},{"id":"d72a39dc-7229-4c3e-90ee-92f2dcea8d7b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In 1965, [ ] instructed LEAs to phase out the [ ].","back":"In 1965, Circular 10/65 instructed LEAs to phase out the 11+.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In 1965, Circular 10/65 instructed LEAs to phase out the 11+.","correct":true,"explanation":"Circular 10/65 instructed Local Education Authorities to move away from selective grammar and secondary modern schools by phasing out the 11-Plus and introducing comprehensive education."},{"text":"In 1965, Circular 10/65 instructed LEAs to phase out the 11-Plus.","correct":false,"explanation":"The policy document was Circular 10/65, but the established name of the selection examination in this statement is the 11+, not 11-Plus. It instructed LEAs to phase out the 11+."},{"text":"In 1965, Education Reform Act instructed LEAs to phase out the 11+.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Education Reform Act was passed in 1988 and introduced the national curriculum and other reforms. The 1965 instruction to phase out the 11+ came from Circular 10/65."},{"text":"In 1965, Circular 10/65 instructed LEAs to phase out the grammar schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Circular 10/65 encouraged comprehensive education and the phasing out of selection through the 11+, but it did not require all grammar schools themselves to be phased out."}]},{"id":"63b7d766-5eb2-4de2-a743-17750605d25e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do Functionalists support comprehensive schools?","back":"They promote social integration across classes.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They promote social integration across classes.","correct":true,"explanation":"Functionalists argue that comprehensive schools educate pupils from different social classes together, encouraging shared values, social cohesion and integration rather than separating pupils by class background."},{"text":"They promote academic selection across classes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Academic selection is associated with selective systems such as grammar schools, not the main Functionalist case for comprehensives. Functionalists support comprehensives because they promote social integration across classes."},{"text":"They promote class competition across schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Competition between schools is a feature of marketisation, rather than the Functionalist justification for comprehensive education. Functionalists argue that comprehensives promote social integration across classes."},{"text":"They promote social division across classes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Social division is the opposite of the claimed benefit. Functionalists support comprehensive schools because bringing social classes together can promote shared values and social integration."}]},{"id":"dce41076-f994-4e18-b220-11fd6dc363f3","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do Marxists criticise comprehensive schools?","back":"Class inequality is reproduced through streaming, banding and labelling.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Class inequality is reproduced through streaming, banding and labelling.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marxists argue that internal processes such as streaming, banding and labelling disadvantage working-class pupils, meaning comprehensive schools continue to reproduce class inequality despite formally equal access."},{"text":"Class inequality is removed through streaming, banding and labelling.","correct":false,"explanation":"Streaming, banding and labelling do not remove inequality because working-class pupils are often placed in lower groups and negatively labelled. Marxists argue that these processes reproduce class inequality."},{"text":"Class inequality is reproduced through mixed-ability teaching and integration.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses comprehensive schooling’s stated inclusive aims with the processes Marxists criticise. They focus on streaming, banding and labelling as mechanisms that reproduce class inequality."},{"text":"Class inequality is overcome through equal access and meritocracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"The claim that equal access creates meritocracy reflects a Functionalist view. Marxists argue that class inequality persists within comprehensives through streaming, banding and labelling."}]},{"id":"7a35330d-fbf3-40a8-bb5e-283b29ba341d","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] introduced [ ] into education.","back":"The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced marketisation into education.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced marketisation into education.","correct":true,"explanation":"The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced marketisation by expanding parental choice, publishing school performance information and linking school funding more closely to pupil numbers."},{"text":"The 1944 Education Act introduced marketisation into education.","correct":false,"explanation":"The 1944 Education Act established the tripartite system rather than marketisation. Market principles and greater competition were introduced by the 1988 Education Reform Act."},{"text":"The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced nationalisation into education.","correct":false,"explanation":"Nationalisation means transferring organisations into state ownership, which was not the policy’s central effect. The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced marketisation into education."},{"text":"The 1965 Circular 10/65 introduced selection into education.","correct":false,"explanation":"Circular 10/65 encouraged comprehensive schooling and reduced selection rather than introducing it. The 1988 Education Reform Act introduced marketisation into education."}]},{"id":"09bc5927-f152-4d76-9a27-9973e864a6a5","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What did marketisation make state schools do?","back":"Compete like businesses for pupils and funding.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Compete like businesses for pupils and funding.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marketisation made schools compete to attract pupils because enrolment affected funding. This encouraged state schools to behave like businesses seeking customers and financial resources."},{"text":"Cooperate like charities for pupils and funding.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marketisation emphasised competition rather than charitable cooperation. State schools had to compete like businesses to attract pupils, whose enrolment brought funding."},{"text":"Operate like families for pupils and funding.","correct":false,"explanation":"The family analogy does not capture marketisation’s emphasis on competition and consumer choice. State schools were encouraged to compete like businesses for pupils and funding."},{"text":"Campaign like politicians for pupils and funding.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although schools may advertise themselves, the key comparison is with businesses operating in a market. They compete for pupils because pupil numbers affect their funding."}]},{"id":"0c303bff-5aa4-46c8-90d1-5ddd0de6efa1","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"In parentocracy, power shifts from whom to whom?","back":"From schools/teachers to parents.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"From schools/teachers to parents.","correct":true,"explanation":"Parentocracy describes an education system in which parental choice becomes increasingly influential, shifting decision-making power away from schools and teachers towards parents as consumers."},{"text":"From parents to schools/teachers.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the direction of the power shift. Parentocracy gives parents greater consumer choice, moving power from schools and teachers to parents."},{"text":"From central government to local authorities.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes administrative decentralisation rather than parentocracy. Parentocracy specifically refers to power shifting from schools and teachers to parents through increased parental choice."},{"text":"From local authorities to pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"Parentocracy concerns parents rather than pupils gaining control. Under marketisation, power is said to shift from schools and teachers towards parents as educational consumers."}]},{"id":"b7271ddf-db6f-481b-a3eb-573eedfb7478","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did league tables and Ofsted support marketisation?","back":"They gave parents information to compare schools.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They gave parents information to compare schools.","correct":true,"explanation":"League tables and Ofsted reports provide performance and inspection information, enabling parents to compare schools and make choices within the education market."},{"text":"They gave teachers authority to compare schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"League tables and Ofsted were designed primarily to inform parental choice, not to increase teachers’ authority. They gave parents information with which to compare schools."},{"text":"They gave pupils qualifications to compare schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Qualifications record pupils’ attainment rather than providing a mechanism for comparing schools. League tables and Ofsted gave parents information about school performance and quality."},{"text":"They gave schools funding to compare pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses performance information with formula funding. League tables and Ofsted supplied parents with information for comparing schools, while funding was linked separately to pupil numbers."}]},{"id":"b1665ce8-7e57-49d7-8c58-d6245b20d3c8","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did formula funding make schools compete?","back":"More pupils meant more money.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"More pupils meant more money.","correct":true,"explanation":"Formula funding linked a school’s income to the number of pupils enrolled. Schools therefore competed to attract more pupils because higher enrolment produced more funding."},{"text":"Fewer pupils meant more money.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the funding relationship. Formula funding rewarded higher enrolment, so more pupils meant more money and schools competed to attract families."},{"text":"Higher grades meant more money.","correct":false,"explanation":"Strong results could attract parents indirectly, but formula funding was based principally on pupil numbers rather than grades. More enrolled pupils therefore meant more money."},{"text":"Larger buildings meant more money.","correct":false,"explanation":"Formula funding did not primarily reward the physical size of school buildings. It linked funding to enrolment, so more pupils meant more money."}]},{"id":"716381b0-8a31-49e5-be87-8e15e96eea58","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did open enrolment support parental choice?","back":"Parents could apply beyond their local catchment school.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Parents could apply beyond their local catchment school.","correct":true,"explanation":"Open enrolment expanded parental choice by allowing families to apply to schools outside their immediate catchment area, although admission criteria and available places still applied."},{"text":"Parents could apply only to their local catchment school.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes catchment-based restriction rather than open enrolment. Open enrolment widened choice by allowing parents to apply beyond their local catchment school."},{"text":"Parents could apply beyond their local private school.","correct":false,"explanation":"Open enrolment concerned choice between state schools, not movement beyond a local private school. Parents could apply beyond their local catchment school."},{"text":"Parents could apply through their local education authority.","correct":false,"explanation":"The application process may involve a local authority, but that is not how open enrolment expanded choice. It allowed applications beyond the local catchment school."}]},{"id":"f4c4d5a7-7be3-4d40-b504-48c22f09bfe6","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils [ ] and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils [ ].","back":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils cream-skimming and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils silt-shifting.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils cream-skimming and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils silt-shifting.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cream-skimming occurs when schools select pupils likely to achieve highly, while silt-shifting occurs when they avoid pupils who may be costly or difficult to teach."},{"text":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils silt-shifting and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils cream-skimming.","correct":false,"explanation":"The concepts have been reversed. Bartlett used cream-skimming for selecting high achievers and silt-shifting for avoiding pupils who are harder or more expensive to teach."},{"text":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils marketisation and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils privatisation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marketisation and privatisation describe broad policy processes, not these selective school practices. Bartlett called selecting high achievers cream-skimming and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils silt-shifting."},{"text":"Bartlett called selecting high-achieving pupils setting and avoiding harder-to-teach pupils streaming.","correct":false,"explanation":"Setting and streaming place existing pupils into ability groups rather than describing admissions behaviour. Bartlett’s terms were cream-skimming for selection and silt-shifting for avoidance."}]},{"id":"1317a866-5149-4f3d-9b45-88095e302f28","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Who mainly benefits from cream-skimming?","back":"High-achieving, mainly middle-class pupils.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"High-achieving, mainly middle-class pupils.","correct":true,"explanation":"Schools favour high-achieving pupils because they can improve examination results and league-table positions. Middle-class pupils benefit disproportionately because they often possess greater cultural and educational advantages."},{"text":"High-achieving, mainly working-class pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cream-skimming does not mainly benefit disadvantaged working-class pupils. It favours high achievers, who are disproportionately middle-class because their families possess greater economic, cultural and social capital."},{"text":"Low-achieving, mainly middle-class pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cream-skimming selects pupils expected to produce strong results, rather than those with low prior attainment. Its main beneficiaries are high-achieving pupils, particularly those from middle-class backgrounds."},{"text":"Low-achieving, mainly working-class pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"Schools practising cream-skimming tend to avoid rather than benefit pupils likely to require additional support. High-achieving, mainly middle-class pupils are most attractive for improving published results."}]},{"id":"b8e48f4a-5cb1-4f66-94a5-7ebbacee38aa","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why are working-class parents often disconnected-local choosers?","back":"They lack capital to exploit school choice.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They lack capital to exploit school choice.","correct":true,"explanation":"Working-class parents often have less economic, cultural and social capital, limiting their access to information, transport and confidence needed to navigate and exploit school choice."},{"text":"They lack permission to exploit school choice.","correct":false,"explanation":"Schools may restrict admissions, but the disconnected-local chooser category specifically reflects parents’ limited economic, cultural and social capital. This restricts their ability to exploit available choices."},{"text":"They lack motivation to exploit school choice.","correct":false,"explanation":"The issue is not that working-class parents necessarily lack interest. Their limited economic, cultural and social capital reduces their practical capacity to understand and act on school choices."},{"text":"They lack qualifications to exploit school choice.","correct":false,"explanation":"Choice policies formally give parents opportunities rather than qualifications. Working-class parents are often disadvantaged because they lack the economic, cultural and social capital needed to exploit those opportunities."}]},{"id":"b508332d-1bc2-439b-8e92-9fa768b862e1","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Ball call parentocracy a myth?","back":"Middle-class parents are better equipped to exercise choice.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Middle-class parents are better equipped to exercise choice.","correct":true,"explanation":"Ball argues that formal choice does not create equal power because middle-class parents possess more cultural, economic and social resources with which to understand and exercise choice."},{"text":"Middle-class parents are better equipped to accept selection.","correct":false,"explanation":"Greater willingness alone does not explain unequal outcomes. Ball emphasises that middle-class parents possess the capital, knowledge and resources that make them better equipped to exercise choice."},{"text":"Middle-class parents are better equipped to select pupils.","correct":false,"explanation":"Schools, rather than parents, primarily implement pupil selection. Ball calls parentocracy a myth because middle-class parents have greater resources and knowledge with which to exercise school choice."},{"text":"Middle-class parents are better equipped to manage schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Managing schools is not the source of parentocracy’s inequality. Ball argues that middle-class parents are better equipped to exercise choice because of their economic, cultural and social capital."}]},{"id":"e3bbe5e6-a212-424d-bf1f-1685cf75185a","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] means privatisation in education through business-like school practices.","back":"Endogenous privatisation means privatisation in education through business-like school practices.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Endogenous privatisation","correct":true,"explanation":"Endogenous privatisation introduces private-sector methods within state education, including targets, competition, performance management and business-style leadership, without necessarily transferring school ownership."},{"text":"Exogenous privatisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Exogenous privatisation means opening education to external private ownership, provision and profit-making. Business-like practices introduced within schools are instead described as endogenous privatisation."},{"text":"Educational marketisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Marketisation creates competition and consumer choice but is not the precise term for adopting private-sector practices within education. That internal transformation is endogenous privatisation."},{"text":"Comprehensive education","correct":false,"explanation":"Comprehensive education aims to provide schooling without academic selection, not to introduce business-style practices. Privatisation within education through such practices is called endogenous privatisation."}]},{"id":"5bfe5588-4f47-4629-b9ed-6e278798e3a4","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] means privatisation of education through private ownership and profit-making.","back":"Exogenous privatisation means privatisation of education through private ownership and profit-making.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Exogenous privatisation","correct":true,"explanation":"Exogenous privatisation brings external private companies into education through ownership, contracted services and profit-making, transferring educational activity beyond the state sector."},{"text":"Endogenous privatisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Endogenous privatisation imports business-style methods into state schools while leaving provision within the public system. Private ownership and profit-making instead constitute exogenous privatisation."},{"text":"Educational marketisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Educational marketisation increases competition and parental choice but does not specifically denote outside businesses owning or profiting from provision. That process is exogenous privatisation."},{"text":"Comprehensive education","correct":false,"explanation":"Comprehensive education concerns non-selective provision for pupils of differing abilities, not private ownership. Privatisation of education through external companies and profit-making is exogenous privatisation."}]},{"id":"dd4c3377-87db-43aa-8807-f1f008fe3e36","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"How are academies funded differently from local authority schools?","back":"They are funded directly by central government.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They are funded directly by central government.","correct":true,"explanation":"Academies receive funding from central government rather than through local authorities. This gives them greater institutional independence from local authority control over finances and administration."},{"text":"They are funded directly by local government.","correct":false,"explanation":"Direct funding from local government describes the local authority relationship academies were designed to bypass. Academies instead receive their public funding directly from central government."},{"text":"They are funded directly by private companies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although businesses may sponsor or work with academies, they are not generally funded directly by private companies. Their principal funding comes directly from central government."},{"text":"They are funded directly by charitable trusts.","correct":false,"explanation":"Academies may seek donations, but charitable funding is not their defining funding arrangement. Unlike local authority schools, they receive their core funding directly from central government."}]},{"id":"3ee387d5-726f-46cc-b4d1-4d3cac24637d","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does Molnar’s “cola-isation” describe?","back":"Corporate penetration of schools through branding and sponsorship.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Corporate penetration of schools through branding and sponsorship.","correct":true,"explanation":"Molnar uses cola-isation to describe businesses entering schools through sponsorship, advertising and branded products, turning pupils into consumers and education into a commercial opportunity."},{"text":"Corporate competition between schools through choice and league tables.","correct":false,"explanation":"School competition and parental choice describe marketisation rather than cola-isation. Molnar’s concept specifically concerns corporate penetration of education through commercial branding and sponsorship."},{"text":"Corporate ownership of schools through takeovers and profit-making.","correct":false,"explanation":"Private ownership and profit-making describe exogenous privatisation more broadly. Cola-isation specifically refers to corporate influence inside schools through branding, advertising and sponsorship."},{"text":"Corporate management of schools through targets and appraisals.","correct":false,"explanation":"Target-setting and performance management are features of endogenous privatisation, not cola-isation. Molnar’s term concerns corporate penetration of schools through branding and sponsorship."}]},{"id":"cbbec11e-a762-4f6d-bc38-4b787e4cb5ed","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can PISA league tables affect UK education policy?","back":"Poor rankings trigger moral panics about competitiveness.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Poor rankings trigger moral panics about competitiveness.","correct":true,"explanation":"Weak PISA results can produce public anxiety that the UK is falling behind economically, pressuring governments to introduce policies intended to improve international competitiveness."},{"text":"Poor rankings trigger complacency about competitiveness.","correct":false,"explanation":"Poor international rankings generally create anxiety rather than complacency. They trigger moral panics about the UK’s competitiveness and encourage demands for educational reform."},{"text":"Poor rankings trigger moral panics about school uniforms.","correct":false,"explanation":"PISA compares educational performance rather than uniform policies. Poor rankings trigger moral panics about national economic competitiveness because education is linked to workforce skills."},{"text":"High rankings trigger moral panics about competitiveness.","correct":false,"explanation":"The direction has been reversed: poor rankings, not high ones, create fear that the UK is losing competitiveness and place pressure on policymakers to respond."}]},{"id":"9d39175d-2b06-46ca-919a-7586c2f7f796","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which global comparisons influenced Mastery Maths in UK primary schools?","back":"High performance in Shanghai and Singapore.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"High performance in Shanghai and Singapore.","correct":true,"explanation":"The strong results achieved by Shanghai and Singapore encouraged UK policymakers to adopt Mastery Maths, emphasising whole-class progress and secure understanding before moving on."},{"text":"High performance in Finland and Sweden.","correct":false,"explanation":"Finland is often discussed in international educational comparisons, but UK Mastery Maths was particularly influenced by the teaching approaches and high performance of Shanghai and Singapore."},{"text":"High performance in France and Germany.","correct":false,"explanation":"France and Germany provide relevant European comparisons, but they were not the models identified for Mastery Maths. The policy drew on high performance in Shanghai and Singapore."},{"text":"High performance in Canada and Australia.","correct":false,"explanation":"Canada and Australia are plausible English-speaking comparisons, but Mastery Maths was inspired by East Asian educational success, particularly the performance of Shanghai and Singapore."}]},{"id":"f28cbe3a-b415-45d4-adbd-4e36a8df26a1","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] gives extra resources to deprived areas to offset home disadvantage.","back":"Compensatory education gives extra resources to deprived areas to offset home disadvantage.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Compensatory education","correct":true,"explanation":"Compensatory education seeks to reduce inequality by directing additional resources and support towards disadvantaged pupils or areas, offsetting limitations associated with the home environment."},{"text":"Marketisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Marketisation introduces competition, parental choice and business-like practices into education; it does not specifically provide deprived areas with extra resources. The required term is compensatory education."},{"text":"Privatisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Privatisation increases the involvement of private organisations in education rather than compensating for home disadvantage. Providing extra resources to deprived areas is compensatory education."},{"text":"Vocationalism","correct":false,"explanation":"Vocationalism emphasises work-related skills and qualifications rather than additional support for deprived communities. Compensatory education targets disadvantage by supplying extra educational resources."}]},{"id":"4e10d200-c593-403e-adc1-53e38e979161","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What deprivation did EMA target?","back":"Material deprivation among low-income post-16 students.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Material deprivation among low-income post-16 students.","correct":true,"explanation":"EMA provided financial support for low-income students who remained in education after 16, addressing material barriers such as travel, equipment and the pressure to earn money."},{"text":"Cultural deprivation among low-income post-16 students.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural deprivation concerns attitudes, language and educational values within the home. EMA instead targeted material deprivation by giving low-income post-16 students financial support."},{"text":"Relative deprivation among low-income post-16 students.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative deprivation describes feeling disadvantaged compared with others, but EMA directly addressed material deprivation by reducing the financial costs of continuing education after age 16."},{"text":"Institutional deprivation among low-income post-16 students.","correct":false,"explanation":"Institutional factors arise from how organisations operate, whereas EMA tackled students’ lack of financial resources. It therefore targeted material deprivation among low-income post-16 students."}]},{"id":"69e632da-b6ab-4378-bef8-3db0664b1783","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does Pupil Premium funding follow?","back":"Each pupil eligible for Free School Meals.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Each pupil eligible for Free School Meals.","correct":true,"explanation":"Pupil Premium is attached to eligible disadvantaged pupils, commonly identified through Free School Meals eligibility, so funding follows them to the school they attend."},{"text":"Each pupil eligible for Child Benefit.","correct":false,"explanation":"Child Benefit is available to a much broader range of families and is not the standard basis for Pupil Premium. The funding follows pupils eligible for Free School Meals."},{"text":"Each pupil eligible for universal infant meals.","correct":false,"explanation":"Universal infant meals are provided according to age rather than disadvantage, so eligibility does not itself attract Pupil Premium. The relevant indicator is Free School Meals eligibility."},{"text":"Each pupil eligible for Education Maintenance Allowance.","correct":false,"explanation":"EMA supported some low-income post-16 students and is separate from Pupil Premium. Pupil Premium funding follows each pupil eligible for Free School Meals."}]},{"id":"60a8a282-33ac-4319-9170-11d96e6515a4","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did the 1988 National Curriculum reduce gender barriers?","back":"It made science and maths compulsory to age 16.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It made science and maths compulsory to age 16.","correct":true,"explanation":"Requiring all pupils to study science and maths until 16 prevented girls from being directed away from these traditionally male-dominated subjects at an earlier age."},{"text":"It made science and maths optional to age 16.","correct":false,"explanation":"Optional subjects could preserve gendered choices and allow girls to be steered away from science and maths. The National Curriculum instead made both subjects compulsory to age 16."},{"text":"It made domestic science compulsory to age 16.","correct":false,"explanation":"Compulsory domestic science would reinforce rather than reduce traditional gender expectations. The reform reduced barriers by making science and maths compulsory for every pupil to age 16."},{"text":"It made single-sex teaching compulsory to age 16.","correct":false,"explanation":"The National Curriculum did not require single-sex teaching. It reduced gender barriers by ensuring that girls and boys both studied science and maths until age 16."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-11","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Educational policies","title":"Educational policies Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/as-level/sociology/aqa/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"fc744737-f522-530a-8b79-eedb3c35022c","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]