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for candidates or parties. Different systems therefore produce different relationships between votes received and representation gained."},{"text":"An electoral system converts people’s preferences into representatives in an elected body.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses voters’ choices with the formal outputs of an electoral system. The correct terms are votes and seats, because votes are cast by electors and seats are allocated to winning candidates or parties."},{"text":"An electoral system converts people’s votes into representatives in an elected body.","correct":false,"explanation":"Representatives are the people who occupy elected positions, not the immediate output being converted. Electoral systems translate votes into seats, which are then filled by representatives."},{"text":"An electoral system converts people’s preferences into seats in an elected body.","correct":false,"explanation":"Preferences describe political choices more generally, but the votes actually counted determine the allocation. The correct wording is votes into seats, linking ballots to positions in the legislature."}]},{"id":"14aff8e4-03a4-417e-bb79-9bb0b307060f","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Under FPTP, what does a candidate need to win a constituency?","back":"More votes than any other candidate - a plurality, not over 50%.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"More votes than any other candidate - a plurality, not over 50%.","correct":true,"explanation":"FPTP uses plurality rule: the candidate with more votes than any rival wins, even without an absolute majority. Votes are not redistributed and a second round is not required."},{"text":"More than 50% of votes - an absolute majority, not simply a plurality.","correct":false,"explanation":"This applies an absolute-majority rule rather than FPTP. Under FPTP, a candidate only needs more votes than every other candidate, even if that total is below 50%."},{"text":"The largest share of the national vote - a plurality across the whole country.","correct":false,"explanation":"FPTP contests separate constituencies, so victory depends on having the most votes locally, not on winning the largest national vote share. The correct threshold is a constituency plurality."},{"text":"At least 40% of votes - a minimum threshold for constituency victory.","correct":false,"explanation":"FPTP has no fixed percentage threshold such as 40%. A candidate wins by finishing first in that constituency, even with a much smaller vote share in a closely divided contest."}]},{"id":"322488a2-438d-4ea4-8c52-44caa676d17b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which UK elections use FPTP?","back":"UK general elections to the House of Commons.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"UK general elections to the House of Commons.","correct":true,"explanation":"FPTP is used for UK general elections, where each constituency elects one MP to the House of Commons. The candidate with the most votes wins that constituency."},{"text":"UK general elections to the House of Lords.","correct":false,"explanation":"The House of Lords is not elected through UK-wide constituency elections, and most members are appointed rather than elected. FPTP applies to elections for the Commons instead."},{"text":"Elections to the Scottish Parliament.","correct":false,"explanation":"Scottish Parliament elections use the Additional Member System, combining constituency FPTP with regional proportional representation. They therefore do not use FPTP alone."},{"text":"Elections to the European Parliament in the UK.","correct":false,"explanation":"European Parliament elections in the UK used proportional representation, specifically the regional list system, rather than single-member FPTP constituencies. FPTP is used for Commons elections."}]},{"id":"033c95b0-b381-48ec-b8b9-acf4b3ca233b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What is FPTP’s main government-formation advantage?","back":"It often produces single-party majority government.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It often produces single-party majority government.","correct":true,"explanation":"By rewarding parties that win many constituencies, FPTP can give the leading party more than half the seats. This often allows it to govern alone without coalition partners."},{"text":"It usually produces coalition government.","correct":false,"explanation":"Coalitions are more commonly associated with proportional systems, where no party may win a majority of seats. FPTP often magnifies the leading party’s representation and can produce single-party majorities."},{"text":"It guarantees minority government.","correct":false,"explanation":"FPTP does not guarantee that the largest party will lack a majority. Its main government-formation advantage is that it often converts a leading vote share into a single-party majority."},{"text":"It creates power-sharing executive government.","correct":false,"explanation":"Power-sharing arrangements are designed to include multiple groups and are not the normal government-forming outcome of FPTP. FPTP commonly favours decisive single-party government."}]},{"id":"85111f31-9f85-4967-a4d1-2aff97533d4e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can FPTP exaggerate the leading party’s seat share?","back":"It rewards geographically efficient support in winner-takes-all seats.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It rewards geographically efficient support in winner-takes-all seats.","correct":true,"explanation":"FPTP rewards parties whose votes are concentrated efficiently across constituencies: they can win many seats with modest majorities. Dispersed votes may produce fewer seats despite a similar total."},{"text":"It rewards uniformly distributed support across all constituencies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Uniformly spread support can leave a party narrowly behind in many constituencies, producing few seats. Geographically concentrated and efficiently distributed support is more valuable under FPTP."},{"text":"It rewards national vote share equally in every constituency.","correct":false,"explanation":"FPTP does not allocate seats directly according to national vote share. Constituency-level victories matter, so the location of support can produce substantial over- or under-representation."},{"text":"It rewards high turnout in constituencies already won by a party.","correct":false,"explanation":"Extra votes in safely won constituencies do not create additional seats, so they are often inefficient. FPTP rewards support that is sufficient to win more constituencies, not simply higher turnout where victory is secure."}]},{"id":"6c5b6dfd-a948-41d9-b14e-fc45844e9cad","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] do not help elect a candidate; [ ] means backing a less-preferred candidate to block another.","back":"Wasted votes do not help elect a candidate; tactical voting means backing a less-preferred candidate to block another.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Wasted votes do not help elect a candidate; tactical voting means backing a less-preferred candidate to block another.","correct":true,"explanation":"Wasted votes are votes that do not contribute to electing a candidate, such as surplus votes beyond what a winner needs or votes for losing candidates. Tactical voting involves choosing strategically to affect the result."},{"text":"Safe votes do not help elect a candidate; strategic voting means backing a preferred candidate to strengthen another.","correct":false,"explanation":"These terms and the relationship are inaccurate. The established concepts are wasted votes and tactical voting, with tactical voting meaning support for a less-preferred viable candidate to prevent another winning."},{"text":"Wasted votes do not help elect a candidate; tactical voting means backing the most-preferred candidate regardless of likely results.","correct":false,"explanation":"The first term is correct, but the definition of tactical voting is reversed. Tactical voters consider likely outcomes and may support a less-preferred candidate to stop another candidate."},{"text":"Unused votes do not help elect a candidate; protest voting means backing a less-preferred candidate to block another.","correct":false,"explanation":"The descriptions combine non-standard terminology with a mislabelled voting strategy. The correct pair is wasted votes and tactical voting, which specifically describes strategic support for a less-preferred candidate."}]},{"id":"178402f3-eb8f-4b71-a235-c736c6406e76","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Which seats do parties focus on most under FPTP, and why?","back":"Marginal seats, because small majorities could change hands.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Marginal seats, because small majorities could change hands.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marginal seats have closely balanced support and small winning majorities, so relatively few additional votes may change the result. Parties therefore target them because campaign effort can convert directly into seats."},{"text":"Safe seats, because large majorities could change hands.","correct":false,"explanation":"Safe seats normally have large majorities and are less likely to change hands, so additional campaigning there is less electorally efficient. Parties concentrate resources on marginal seats instead."},{"text":"Marginal seats, because large majorities are difficult to overturn.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marginal seats are targeted for the opposite reason: their small majorities are relatively easy to overturn. Large, secure majorities describe safe seats, which usually receive less campaign attention."},{"text":"All seats equally, because FPTP gives every constituency the same campaign value.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although each constituency elects one MP, parties do not value all seats equally. Under FPTP, marginal seats offer the greatest chance of changing the overall seat total."}]},{"id":"a6353b8e-1c97-4f6e-9454-d72504c8faff","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What 2019 Conservative result shows FPTP over-representation?","back":"56.2% seats from 43.6% votes - over-represented by 12.6 points.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"56.2% seats from 43.6% votes - over-represented by 12.6 points.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Conservatives won 43.6% of the vote but 56.2% of Commons seats in 2019. The 12.6-point gap illustrates how FPTP can translate efficient constituency support into over-representation."},{"text":"56.2% seats from 43.6% votes - under-represented by 12.6 points.","correct":false,"explanation":"The figures show a positive representation gap, not under-representation: the seat share exceeded the vote share by 12.6 percentage points. FPTP therefore over-represented the Conservatives in this result."},{"text":"43.6% seats from 56.2% votes - over-represented by 12.6 points.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the seat and vote percentages. In 2019, the Conservatives’ seat share was 56.2% and their vote share was 43.6%, producing over-representation rather than the reverse pattern."},{"text":"52.6% seats from 43.6% votes - over-represented by 9.0 points.","correct":false,"explanation":"The vote percentage is accurate, but the seat percentage and calculated gap are not. The correct result was 56.2% of seats, which is 12.6 points above 43.6% of votes."}]},{"id":"3095b435-4ebe-41f6-99b7-9c438baf2125","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What do AMS list seats do?","back":"They top up under-represented parties to increase proportionality.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They top up under-represented parties to increase proportionality.","correct":true,"explanation":"List seats compensate parties that are under-represented by constituency results. This top-up function makes the overall distribution of seats more proportional than the constituency vote alone."},{"text":"They replace constituency representatives to make elections more proportional.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses list members with replacements for constituency representatives. AMS list seats are used to top up under-represented parties, improving proportionality in the overall result."},{"text":"They remove losing parties from the regional vote to prevent disproportionality.","correct":false,"explanation":"AMS does not remove parties that lose constituency contests. Regional list seats are allocated to top up under-represented parties and increase proportionality across the legislature."},{"text":"They guarantee the largest party a majority to improve government stability.","correct":false,"explanation":"List seats are not designed to guarantee a majority for the largest party. They top up under-represented parties, often making minority or coalition government more likely."}]},{"id":"b14f418f-1574-44b0-a437-1bb4b84445e5","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"AMS voters usually have [ ] and [ ].","back":"AMS voters usually have a constituency vote and a regional party list vote.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"AMS voters usually have a constituency vote and a regional party list vote.","correct":true,"explanation":"AMS gives each voter two votes: one chooses a representative for a constituency, while the other supports a party on the regional list."},{"text":"AMS voters usually have a constituency vote and a second constituency vote.","correct":false,"explanation":"The second vote is not for another constituency candidate. It is a regional party list vote, which helps allocate additional seats and improve proportionality."},{"text":"AMS voters usually have a party list vote and a second party list vote.","correct":false,"explanation":"Only one vote is cast for a regional party list. The other is a constituency vote used to choose an individual constituency representative."},{"text":"AMS voters usually have a first-preference vote and a transferable preference vote.","correct":false,"explanation":"These voting methods describe preferential systems such as STV, not AMS. AMS uses a constituency vote alongside a regional party list vote."}]},{"id":"9e520c0e-3e7d-4d3c-97d9-f26eda8388d6","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What is the “two types” criticism of AMS?","back":"It creates constituency members and regional list members.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It creates constituency members and regional list members.","correct":true,"explanation":"The criticism highlights that AMS creates two categories of representative: constituency members elected directly and regional list members elected from party lists."},{"text":"It creates national members and local council members.","correct":false,"explanation":"AMS does not divide representation into national and local council members. Its two types are constituency members and regional list members, elected through different parts of the system."},{"text":"It creates first-preference members and second-preference members.","correct":false,"explanation":"AMS does not classify representatives according to voter preferences. The distinction is between constituency members and regional list members, reflecting the system’s two electoral routes."},{"text":"It creates majority members and minority members.","correct":false,"explanation":"The two types are not defined by whether representatives belong to a majority or minority. They are constituency members and regional list members."}]},{"id":"d1f0cf7e-ee01-4ad5-9f2c-f575da81937e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can AMS be seen as less decisive than FPTP?","back":"It can produce minority or coalition government requiring negotiation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It can produce minority or coalition government requiring negotiation.","correct":true,"explanation":"Because AMS is more proportional than FPTP, it can give several parties significant representation. No party may win a majority, so coalition or minority government and negotiation can follow."},{"text":"It always produces single-party government with no need for negotiation.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes the decisive outcome AMS is criticised for lacking. Its proportional element can prevent one party winning a majority, creating minority or coalition government requiring negotiation."},{"text":"It produces directly elected presidents who can override parliament.","correct":false,"explanation":"AMS concerns legislative elections and does not create presidential powers. Its reduced decisiveness comes from the possibility of minority or coalition government."},{"text":"It gives unelected judges control over government formation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Judges do not determine government formation under AMS. The system may produce no overall majority, requiring parties to negotiate a coalition or support a minority government."}]},{"id":"c579d220-864c-4629-a51c-7dfe9a714aea","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Under STV, voters [ ] in [ ].","back":"Under STV, voters rank candidates in multi-member constituencies.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Under STV, voters rank candidates in multi-member constituencies.","correct":true,"explanation":"STV uses preferential voting, so voters rank individual candidates. Elections take place in multi-member constituencies, where several candidates can be elected."},{"text":"Under STV, voters choose one party in single-member constituencies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Choosing one party in a single-member constituency describes a different electoral arrangement. STV requires voters to rank candidates in multi-member constituencies."},{"text":"Under STV, voters rank parties in single-member constituencies.","correct":false,"explanation":"STV ranks individual candidates rather than only parties, and it requires multi-member constituencies so several candidates can be elected."},{"text":"Under STV, voters select one candidate in multi-member constituencies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although STV uses multi-member constituencies, voters do not select only one candidate. They rank candidates in order of preference, allowing votes to transfer."}]},{"id":"66d06dab-42fa-4c03-89c8-8d2db8bd4f43","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What happens to surplus votes and eliminated candidates’ votes under STV?","back":"They are transferred until all seats are filled.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They are transferred until all seats are filled.","correct":true,"explanation":"STV transfers surplus votes from candidates who exceed the quota and votes from eliminated candidates. Transfers continue until every available seat has been filled."},{"text":"They are discarded once a candidate reaches the quota or is eliminated.","correct":false,"explanation":"STV is designed to minimise wasted votes. Surplus votes from elected candidates and votes from eliminated candidates are transferred until all seats are filled."},{"text":"They are returned to voters after each counting round.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ballots are not returned to voters during STV counting. Relevant votes are transferred to continuing candidates until all seats are filled."},{"text":"They are converted into party-list seats after the first count.","correct":false,"explanation":"STV does not convert unused votes into party-list seats. Surplus and eliminated candidates’ votes are transferred between candidates within the count."}]},{"id":"cf4638d8-5d62-4996-a8c4-f0f30faaf94a","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does STV give strong candidate-level choice?","back":"Voters rank between parties and within the same party.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Voters rank between parties and within the same party.","correct":true,"explanation":"STV allows voters to compare candidates from different parties and candidates belonging to the same party, giving unusually strong control over individual representatives."},{"text":"Voters rank only candidates from their preferred party.","correct":false,"explanation":"Restricting voters to one party would weaken candidate-level choice. STV lets voters rank candidates between parties and also choose between candidates within the same party."},{"text":"Voters select one party leader and one regional list.","correct":false,"explanation":"This combines features that do not describe STV. Its candidate-level choice comes from ranking individual candidates both across parties and within the same party."},{"text":"Voters choose between constituencies and between electoral systems.","correct":false,"explanation":"Voters do not choose constituencies or electoral systems on the STV ballot. They rank individual candidates across parties and within parties."}]},{"id":"76f2e91d-a8a2-4677-a164-836636172595","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What local-link weakness can STV have?","back":"Larger multi-member constituencies can weaken the simple local link.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Larger multi-member constituencies can weaken the simple local link.","correct":true,"explanation":"STV elects several representatives in each constituency, which often makes constituencies larger and the relationship between one voter and one local representative less direct."},{"text":"Smaller single-member constituencies can weaken the simple local link.","correct":false,"explanation":"Single-member constituencies generally create a clearer one-representative local link. Under STV, larger multi-member constituencies can make that relationship less simple."},{"text":"Regional party lists can weaken the simple local link.","correct":false,"explanation":"Regional party lists are a feature of AMS rather than STV. The relevant STV weakness is that larger multi-member constituencies can weaken the simple local link."},{"text":"Frequent referendums can weaken the simple local link.","correct":false,"explanation":"Referendums are not the feature responsible for this STV criticism. The local link may be weaker because STV uses larger multi-member constituencies."}]},{"id":"0ec4de17-28cb-418e-aadc-8ae1f025ce58","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In CPLS, voters choose [ ], and the party controls [ ].","back":"In CPLS, voters choose a party list, and the party controls candidate order.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In CPLS, voters choose a party list, and the party controls candidate order.","correct":true,"explanation":"CPLS lets voters select a party list rather than an individual candidate, while the party determines the order in which its candidates are elected."},{"text":"In CPLS, voters choose individual candidates, and the party controls no order.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses CPLS with systems where voters select candidates directly. The correct distinction is that voters choose a party list and the party controls candidate order."},{"text":"In CPLS, voters choose a party list, and the party controls candidate selection.","correct":false,"explanation":"Candidate selection occurs before the election and is not the defining control described here. In CPLS, voters choose a party list while the party controls candidate order."},{"text":"In CPLS, voters choose constituency candidates, and the party controls vote counting.","correct":false,"explanation":"CPLS does not primarily involve choosing individual constituency candidates, and parties do not control the count. Voters choose a party list and parties control candidate order."}]},{"id":"e5ad6750-bb6f-417c-90b6-b6070f92ed3e","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What is the main fairness advantage of CPLS?","back":"Seats are allocated roughly in proportion to party vote share.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Seats are allocated roughly in proportion to party vote share.","correct":true,"explanation":"CPLS is broadly proportional because parties receive seats that reflect their share of the vote, reducing the mismatch between votes cast and seats won."},{"text":"Seats are allocated entirely to the largest party regardless of vote share.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes a majoritarian outcome rather than proportional representation. CPLS is valued because seats are allocated roughly in proportion to each party’s vote share."},{"text":"Seats are allocated equally between all parties regardless of vote share.","correct":false,"explanation":"Equal allocation would ignore electoral support and would not be fair proportionality. The correct advantage is that seats broadly reflect party vote share."},{"text":"Seats are allocated to constituency winners rather than party vote share.","correct":false,"explanation":"Allocating seats to constituency winners is associated with systems such as FPTP. CPLS instead aims to allocate seats roughly in proportion to party vote share."}]},{"id":"283bd5b8-32c4-488c-9f1e-2506060bf61c","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"A UK referendum is usually [ ] because of [ ].","back":"A UK referendum is usually advisory in law because of parliamentary sovereignty.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"A UK referendum is usually advisory in law because of parliamentary sovereignty.","correct":true,"explanation":"Under parliamentary sovereignty, Parliament remains legally supreme, so referendum results normally advise Parliament rather than automatically changing the law."},{"text":"A UK referendum is usually legally binding because of parliamentary sovereignty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Parliamentary sovereignty means Parliament retains the legal authority to decide whether and how to act. Therefore, UK referendums are usually advisory in law, not legally binding."},{"text":"A UK referendum is usually advisory in law because of judicial independence.","correct":false,"explanation":"Judicial independence concerns courts being separate from political influence, not Parliament’s legal supremacy. The relevant reason referendums are usually advisory is parliamentary sovereignty."},{"text":"A UK referendum is usually legally binding because of popular sovereignty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Popular sovereignty may support democratic arguments for referendums, but it does not make their results automatically binding in UK law. Parliamentary sovereignty makes them usually advisory."}]},{"id":"242022b4-e088-4dc9-a5ca-6e97f1b21a02","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why was the 2011 AV referendum significant for Westminster elections?","back":"Voters rejected AV, so FPTP was kept.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Voters rejected AV, so FPTP was kept.","correct":true,"explanation":"The 2011 referendum rejected the Alternative Vote system. As a result, Westminster elections continued to use First Past the Post."},{"text":"Voters approved AV, so FPTP was replaced.","correct":false,"explanation":"The referendum did not approve AV; voters rejected it by a substantial majority. Consequently, FPTP remained the voting system for Westminster elections."},{"text":"Voters rejected FPTP, so AV was kept.","correct":false,"explanation":"The referendum asked whether AV should replace FPTP, and voters rejected the proposed change. FPTP was therefore kept rather than replaced by AV."},{"text":"Voters approved FPTP, so AV was introduced.","correct":false,"explanation":"FPTP was the existing system, while AV was the proposed alternative. Voters rejected AV, meaning the existing FPTP system continued."}]},{"id":"1ffcbc52-287a-4bad-84c4-0bd6595e0efa","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In 2016, the UK voted [ ] on [ ].","back":"In 2016, the UK voted 51.9% Leave on 72.2% turnout.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In 2016, the UK voted 51.9% Leave on 72.2% turnout.","correct":true,"explanation":"The 2016 EU referendum produced a 51.9% Leave vote, with turnout of 72.2%, making it a high-participation but relatively close decision."},{"text":"In 2016, the UK voted 52.1% Leave on 72.2% turnout.","correct":false,"explanation":"The turnout figure is correct, but 52.1% is not the official Leave share. The result was 51.9% Leave, with 72.2% turnout."},{"text":"In 2016, the UK voted 51.9% Remain on 72.2% turnout.","correct":false,"explanation":"The turnout is accurate, but the winning side is reversed. Leave received 51.9% of the vote, while Remain received the minority share."},{"text":"In 2016, the UK voted 51.9% Leave on 68.8% turnout.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Leave percentage is accurate, but 68.8% is a commonly confused turnout figure. The 2016 referendum turnout was 72.2%."}]},{"id":"2320da9e-ddd6-484d-b393-df1eb52bb48b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why do supporters value referendums on constitutional change?","back":"They give direct legitimacy to major constitutional decisions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They give direct legitimacy to major constitutional decisions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Supporters argue that allowing citizens to vote directly gives major constitutional changes democratic legitimacy beyond that supplied by representatives alone."},{"text":"They give automatic legality to major constitutional decisions.","correct":false,"explanation":"A referendum can provide democratic legitimacy but does not automatically make a constitutional decision legally effective. Parliament may still need to legislate because of parliamentary sovereignty."},{"text":"They give permanent consent to major constitutional decisions.","correct":false,"explanation":"A referendum expresses public support at a particular time, but it cannot guarantee permanent or unchanging consent. Supporters value the direct legitimacy it provides."},{"text":"They give exclusive authority to major constitutional decisions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Referendums do not necessarily transfer exclusive constitutional authority away from Parliament. Their main perceived benefit is providing direct legitimacy to major decisions."}]},{"id":"6806418e-ff10-4618-8f80-20fd7993a521","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What is a main criticism of referendum question format?","back":"They oversimplify complex issues into binary choices.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They oversimplify complex issues into binary choices.","correct":true,"explanation":"Referendums normally offer only two choices, which can reduce complicated constitutional, economic or political questions to a simple yes-or-no decision."},{"text":"They clarify complex issues through detailed choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"A referendum ballot usually provides limited options rather than detailed alternatives. Critics argue that this binary format oversimplifies complex issues."},{"text":"They transfer complex issues into representative choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Referendums ask citizens to decide directly rather than transferring the decision into a representative vote. The criticism is that complex issues become binary choices."},{"text":"They divide complex issues into proportional choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Referendums do not usually offer proportional options or allocate support across several choices. Their key weakness is reducing complexity to a binary choice."}]},{"id":"ce4bdefa-d082-4bdd-973a-6637dc20d294","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why did devolved institutions use more proportional systems?","back":"To make new bodies seem inclusive and legitimate.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"To make new bodies seem inclusive and legitimate.","correct":true,"explanation":"Using proportional systems helped devolved institutions represent a wider range of parties and views, making newly established bodies appear more inclusive and legitimate."},{"text":"To make new bodies seem majoritarian and decisive.","correct":false,"explanation":"Majoritarian systems tend to emphasise clear winners rather than broad inclusion. Devolved institutions favoured proportional systems to appear inclusive and legitimate."},{"text":"To make new bodies seem centralised and uniform.","correct":false,"explanation":"Centralisation and uniformity are not the main purposes of proportional representation in devolved institutions. The aim was to strengthen their inclusiveness and legitimacy."},{"text":"To make new bodies seem temporary and limited.","correct":false,"explanation":"Proportional systems do not make institutions appear temporary or constitutionally weak. They were used to broaden representation and enhance the legitimacy of new devolved bodies."}]},{"id":"1a1a1471-6d4a-4d0d-9c92-e1190c322870","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Northern Ireland use STV?","back":"Proportionality supports power-sharing between communities.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Proportionality supports power-sharing between communities.","correct":true,"explanation":"STV produces broadly proportional results while allowing voters to rank candidates, helping different religious and political communities gain representation and participate in Northern Ireland’s power-sharing institutions."},{"text":"Majoritarianism ensures one community can form a decisive government.","correct":false,"explanation":"STV was not chosen to let one community dominate government. Its proportional results are intended to prevent domination and support power-sharing; a majoritarian system would make that objective less likely."},{"text":"Uniformity makes Northern Ireland use the same system as Westminster.","correct":false,"explanation":"Northern Ireland does not use STV to copy Westminster elections, which generally use first past the post. STV is used because proportional representation better accommodates the region’s divided communities."},{"text":"Stability removes the need for parties to share executive power.","correct":false,"explanation":"STV does not remove the need for power-sharing, and proportional representation can produce several significant parties. The system helps communities gain representation rather than eliminating coalition or shared government."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-12","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Electoral systems","title":"Electoral systems Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/as-level/politics/edexcel/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L37"}]}],"topicId":"02758a96-0f0d-5892-962b-f28162f9e440","walled":"$L38"}],"$L39","$L3a"]