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over the distribution of power: pluralists see it as dispersed among competing groups, whereas Marxists and elite theorists see it as concentrated."},{"text":"Whether power is held equally by every individual citizen.","correct":false,"explanation":"Even pluralists do not claim that every citizen has exactly equal power. The central debate is whether power is widely shared among groups or concentrated among dominant interests."},{"text":"Whether power is based mainly on tradition or charisma.","correct":false,"explanation":"Tradition and charisma are Weberian sources of legitimate authority, not the central divide between political theories. The key debate concerns whether power is widely shared or concentrated."},{"text":"Whether power is always exercised through formal government institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Power can operate inside or outside formal institutions, including through agenda-setting and ideology. The main theoretical debate is whether power is widely shared or concentrated."}]},{"id":"1d505e91-f380-4b1a-90d2-4b7cb04e243f","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Authority is power seen as [ ].","back":"Authority is power seen as rightful or legitimate.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"rightful or legitimate","correct":true,"explanation":"Authority exists when people regard the exercise of power as justified and accept that those issuing commands have a recognised right to do so."},{"text":"coercive or threatening","correct":false,"explanation":"Coercion can secure obedience through fear without creating authority. Authority is power regarded as rightful or legitimate by those expected to obey it."},{"text":"traditional or inherited","correct":false,"explanation":"Tradition is one possible basis of Weberian authority, but it is not the general definition. Authority means power seen as rightful or legitimate."},{"text":"effective or successful","correct":false,"explanation":"Power may achieve its aims without being accepted as justified. It becomes authority only when people see its exercise as rightful or legitimate."}]},{"id":"10667da8-2f32-4b4e-bb58-f50b647c224b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why do people obey rational-legal authority, according to Weber?","back":"Rules are attached to offices, laws and procedures.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Rules are attached to offices, laws and procedures.","correct":true,"explanation":"Rational-legal authority rests on impersonal rules and formally defined positions. People obey the lawful office and established procedures rather than the office-holder as an individual."},{"text":"Rules are attached to inherited customs and established traditions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Obedience based on longstanding customs characterises traditional authority. Rational-legal authority is accepted because rules are attached to offices, laws and formal procedures."},{"text":"Orders are attached to a leader’s exceptional personal qualities.","correct":false,"explanation":"Devotion to a leader’s extraordinary personal qualities characterises charismatic authority. Rational-legal obedience instead follows impersonal rules connected to offices, laws and procedures."},{"text":"Power is attached to ownership of wealth and private property.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic ownership is central to Marxist explanations of class power, not Weber’s rational-legal authority. Such authority rests on offices, laws and established procedures."}]},{"id":"c3492d04-143a-4b33-9175-11d2c5cd029f","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are [ ], while agenda exclusion is [ ].","back":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are decision-making, while agenda exclusion is non-decision-making.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are decision-making, while agenda exclusion is non-decision-making.","correct":true,"explanation":"Lukes distinguishes visible decisions over known issues from the less visible power to prevent issues from reaching the political agenda in the first place."},{"text":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are non-decision-making, while agenda exclusion is decision-making.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Lukes’ first two dimensions. Visible choices involve decision-making, while keeping potentially controversial issues off the political agenda is non-decision-making."},{"text":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are ideological power, while agenda exclusion is non-decision-making.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ideological power shapes preferences and perceptions rather than describing observable political choices. Visible choices are decision-making, while agenda exclusion is non-decision-making."},{"text":"In Lukes’ terms, visible political choices are decision-making, while agenda exclusion is ideological power.","correct":false,"explanation":"Agenda exclusion is non-decision-making because issues are prevented from being discussed. Ideological power is Lukes’ deeper third dimension, which shapes what people consider normal or possible."}]},{"id":"62a40c21-eba4-45ad-93d4-e0b70d331c3f","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Lukes’ ideological power operate?","back":"It shapes what seems normal, possible or desirable.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It shapes what seems normal, possible or desirable.","correct":true,"explanation":"Lukes’ ideological dimension of power influences beliefs and preferences, leading people to accept existing arrangements by shaping what they regard as normal, achievable or desirable."},{"text":"It removes issues from agendas, debates or formal votes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Preventing issues from entering political discussion is non-decision-making, Lukes’ second dimension. Ideological power instead shapes what people consider normal, possible or desirable."},{"text":"It wins conflicts through votes, laws or official rulings.","correct":false,"explanation":"Winning observable conflicts through formal decisions belongs to Lukes’ first dimension of power. Ideological power works more deeply by shaping perceptions, preferences and apparent possibilities."},{"text":"It relies on physical coercion, policing or military force.","correct":false,"explanation":"Direct coercion compels behaviour through force or threats, whereas ideological power shapes people’s beliefs about what is normal, possible or desirable without necessarily using force."}]},{"id":"dc102977-9764-4887-9f2d-6cc02a9e77bb","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What visible decision-making power did the Elections Act 2022 show?","back":"It introduced photographic voter ID for some UK elections.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It introduced photographic voter ID for some UK elections.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Elections Act 2022 required voters at specified UK elections, including UK parliamentary elections in Great Britain, to present an accepted form of photographic identification."},{"text":"It introduced automatic voter registration for some UK elections.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Act did not automatically register eligible citizens to vote. Its prominent visible change was the introduction of photographic voter ID for some UK elections."},{"text":"It introduced compulsory postal voting for some UK elections.","correct":false,"explanation":"Postal voting remained an optional voting method rather than becoming compulsory. The Act introduced a requirement for photographic voter ID at some UK elections."},{"text":"It introduced electronic voting machines for some UK elections.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Act did not replace paper ballots with electronic voting machines. It visibly exercised decision-making power by introducing photographic voter ID for some UK elections."}]},{"id":"b9cf87eb-8bf5-4ba9-87a5-31e03e6d225e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"For functionalists, what role does the state play?","back":"It helps coordinate society, make collective decisions and manage conflict.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It helps coordinate society, make collective decisions and manage conflict.","correct":true,"explanation":"Functionalists view the state as an institution serving society’s shared needs by coordinating complex activities, making binding collective decisions and regulating conflict to maintain social order."},{"text":"It helps protect capitalist ownership, reproduce inequality and secure ruling-class interests.","correct":false,"explanation":"This is a Marxist interpretation, which treats the state as supporting capitalist class domination. Functionalists instead emphasise coordination, collective decision-making and conflict management."},{"text":"It helps minimise government, expand markets and promote individual responsibility.","correct":false,"explanation":"Limiting state intervention and expanding markets are associated with New Right thinking. Functionalists emphasise the state’s role in coordinating society and managing collective affairs."},{"text":"It helps enforce elite control, suppress opposition and preserve minority rule.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects elite theory’s emphasis on domination by a powerful minority. Functionalists instead understand the state as coordinating society, making collective decisions and managing conflict."}]},{"id":"9fb9843f-d05f-4a4f-ac81-b235b363bfcf","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can functionalism underestimate inequality in politics?","back":"It downplays unequal access to political influence.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It downplays unequal access to political influence.","correct":true,"explanation":"By stressing social integration and institutions’ contributions to shared needs, functionalism can overlook how wealth, status and organisational resources give some groups greater political influence."},{"text":"It exaggerates the concentration of power among economic elites.","correct":false,"explanation":"Emphasising concentrated elite power would make inequality appear greater, not smaller. Functionalism may underestimate inequality because it downplays unequal access to political influence."},{"text":"It assumes political institutions serve only the capitalist class.","correct":false,"explanation":"This is a strongly Marxist assumption that foregrounds class inequality rather than underestimating it. Functionalism downplays the unequal political influence available to different social groups."},{"text":"It downplays the importance of political stability and social consensus.","correct":false,"explanation":"Functionalism typically emphasises stability and consensus rather than neglecting them. Its weakness is that this emphasis can obscure unequal access to political influence."}]},{"id":"066595fb-e1b4-4149-ab1c-7bf954ed7d83","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Marxists see politics as rooted in [ ], with the state tending to serve the [ ].","back":"Marxists see politics as rooted in capitalism, with the state tending to serve the ruling class.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Marxists see politics as rooted in capitalism, with the state tending to serve the ruling class.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marxists argue that capitalist economic relations shape political institutions, while the state generally defends the interests and continued dominance of those who own and control capital."},{"text":"Marxists see politics as rooted in feudalism, with the state tending to serve the ruling class.","correct":false,"explanation":"Feudalism is organised around landholding and hereditary obligations, not the modern system analysed by Marxists. They root contemporary politics in capitalism and see the state as tending to serve the ruling class."},{"text":"Marxists see politics as rooted in capitalism, with the state tending to serve the working class.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the Marxist account of whose interests normally dominate the state. Marxists argue that politics is rooted in capitalism and that the state tends to serve the ruling class."},{"text":"Marxists see politics as rooted in socialism, with the state tending to serve the middle class.","correct":false,"explanation":"Socialism and middle-class rule do not describe the orthodox Marxist model. Marxists locate politics within capitalism and argue that state power tends to protect the ruling class."}]},{"id":"bac997c4-38bd-426a-a8cc-6131d8a425b7","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Name one condition capitalism needs that Marxists say the state protects.","back":"Examples: private property, profit, labour discipline or markets.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Examples: private property, profit, labour discipline or markets.","correct":true,"explanation":"Capitalism depends on institutions such as private ownership, profit-making, disciplined wage labour and functioning markets, so Marxists argue that the state maintains and protects these conditions."},{"text":"Examples: common ownership, equality, worker control or planning.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are principles associated with socialist or communist alternatives rather than necessary conditions of capitalism. Marxists instead emphasise state protection of private property, profit, labour discipline and markets."},{"text":"Examples: abolished property, equality, leisure or self-sufficiency.","correct":false,"explanation":"Abolishing private property and profit would undermine defining capitalist institutions rather than protect them. Marxists identify private property, profit, labour discipline and markets as conditions sustained by the state."},{"text":"Examples: shared ownership, need, voluntary labour or rationing.","correct":false,"explanation":"Universal ownership and production solely for need contradict capitalism’s unequal private ownership and profit motive. Marxists argue that the state protects private property, profit, labour discipline and markets."}]},{"id":"86d6bb01-93fd-4eca-bf35-78fa81279ed1","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does economic determinism accuse Marxism of doing?","back":"Reducing politics too much to class.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Reducing politics too much to class.","correct":true,"explanation":"Economic determinism suggests that Marxism explains political institutions and decisions mainly as effects of economic class relations, neglecting politics’ possible independence and other sources of power."},{"text":"Reducing politics too much to gender.","correct":false,"explanation":"Reducing politics to gender would be a criticism of an excessively gender-centred theory, not economic determinism. The criticism of Marxism is that it reduces politics too much to class."},{"text":"Treating politics as independent of class.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic determinism alleges too much dependence on economic class, not excessive separation from it. Critics accuse Marxism of reducing politics too much to class and overlooking political autonomy."},{"text":"Reducing class too much to politics.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the direction of the alleged reduction. Economic determinism criticises Marxism for explaining politics primarily through economic class relations, rather than reducing class to politics."}]},{"id":"64e8b603-ffdf-429d-99f9-d6f2050935fe","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Gramsci’s hegemony means [ ], making ruling-class ideas seem like [ ].","back":"Gramsci’s hegemony means leadership through consent, making ruling-class ideas seem like common sense.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Gramsci’s hegemony means leadership through consent, making ruling-class ideas seem like common sense.","correct":true,"explanation":"Gramsci argued that domination is maintained partly by winning agreement in civil society. Dominant beliefs then appear natural and obvious rather than expressions of ruling-class interests."},{"text":"Gramsci’s hegemony means leadership through coercion, making ruling-class ideas seem like common sense.","correct":false,"explanation":"Leadership based on direct force describes coercion rather than hegemony. Gramsci emphasised leadership through consent, through which ruling-class ideas come to appear like common sense."},{"text":"Gramsci’s hegemony means leadership through consent, making ruling-class ideas seem like sectional interests.","correct":false,"explanation":"Gramsci’s point is that dominant ideas are normalised, not recognised as narrow ideology. Hegemony secures leadership through consent and makes ruling-class ideas appear to be common sense."},{"text":"Gramsci’s hegemony means leadership through violent repression, making ruling-class ideas seem like political propaganda.","correct":false,"explanation":"Violent repression and obvious propaganda concern direct coercion and manipulation, missing Gramsci’s subtler mechanism. Hegemony operates through consent and presents ruling-class ideas as common sense."}]},{"id":"31373551-2ef0-4105-af20-c44075019d01","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"For Poulantzas, what does relative autonomy imply about the state and capitalists?","back":"The state is not directly controlled by capitalists, but protects capitalism long-term.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The state is not directly controlled by capitalists, but protects capitalism long-term.","correct":true,"explanation":"Poulantzas argues that the state has some independence from individual capitalists and may oppose their immediate wishes, while still maintaining the capitalist system’s long-term conditions."},{"text":"The state is directly controlled by capitalists, and protects their immediate interests.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes a crude instrumentalist view in which capitalists personally command the state. Relative autonomy means the state is not directly controlled by capitalists, although it protects capitalism long-term."},{"text":"The state is fully independent of capitalists, and remains neutral long-term.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative autonomy does not mean complete neutrality or independence from the economic system. Poulantzas argues that the state is not directly capitalist-controlled but still protects capitalism long-term."},{"text":"The state is not directly controlled by capitalists, but abolishes capitalism long-term.","correct":false,"explanation":"Poulantzas allows the state to frustrate particular capitalists, but not to abolish the system it structurally maintains. Relative autonomy ultimately permits protection of capitalism’s long-term interests."}]},{"id":"248613c3-58ab-4486-9670-5c7136ef598d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do critics say neo-Marxism can be hard to falsify?","back":"Almost any policy can be read as serving capitalism long-term.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Almost any policy can be read as serving capitalism long-term.","correct":true,"explanation":"If both business-friendly policies and apparent concessions to workers are interpreted as preserving capitalism eventually, few possible observations could disprove the neo-Marxist explanation."},{"text":"Only openly pro-business policy can be read as serving capitalism short-term.","correct":false,"explanation":"Restricting the theory to openly pro-business policies would make contradictory evidence easier to identify. The falsifiability criticism arises because almost any policy can be interpreted as serving capitalism long-term."},{"text":"Every state policy provides a clear test for rejecting Marxism immediately.","correct":false,"explanation":"A claim that identifies clear evidence against itself is testable rather than difficult to falsify. Critics argue neo-Marxism can reinterpret almost any policy as serving capitalism long-term."},{"text":"Almost any policy can be read as independent of capitalism entirely.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating policies as unrelated to capitalism would abandon the neo-Marxist framework rather than explain its unfalsifiability. The criticism is that nearly any policy can be fitted into a long-term capitalist explanation."}]},{"id":"dad7fc2d-20cd-4750-a181-f4d94320da3e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"For Weber, class means [ ], while status means [ ].","back":"For Weber, class means economic position, while status means social honour or prestige.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"For Weber, class means economic position, while status means social honour or prestige.","correct":true,"explanation":"Weber treated class as a person’s economic or market position, whereas status concerns the social esteem, honour or prestige attached to a person or group."},{"text":"For Weber, class means social honour or prestige, while status means economic position.","correct":false,"explanation":"This swaps Weber’s two dimensions. Class concerns economic position in the market, while status refers to social honour or prestige independently of class."},{"text":"For Weber, class means political organisation, while status means social honour or prestige.","correct":false,"explanation":"Formal political organisation belongs primarily to Weber’s party dimension, not class. Class means economic position, whereas status refers to social honour or prestige."},{"text":"For Weber, class means economic position, while status means legal authority or office.","correct":false,"explanation":"Legal authority is part of Weber’s analysis of legitimate domination, not his definition of status. Status means social honour or prestige, while class means economic position."}]},{"id":"64e0e32b-c62f-4f36-ab58-379132387ff0","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does Weber add through the party dimension that a class-only view misses?","back":"Organised groups seeking power.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Organised groups seeking power.","correct":true,"explanation":"Weber’s party dimension captures organised collective action aimed at influencing decisions and acquiring power, showing that political power cannot always be inferred from economic class alone."},{"text":"Social groups sharing prestige.","correct":false,"explanation":"Shared prestige describes Weberian status groups rather than parties. The party dimension concerns organised groups seeking power and deliberately influencing political or organisational decisions."},{"text":"Economic groups sharing market positions.","correct":false,"explanation":"A common market position defines a Weberian class rather than a party. Weber adds parties as organised groups that actively seek power within political and organisational arenas."},{"text":"Cultural groups sharing lifestyles.","correct":false,"explanation":"Informal cultural similarity does not capture the purposeful organisation central to parties. Weber’s party dimension identifies organised groups seeking power, which a class-only analysis can overlook."}]},{"id":"3c779a0b-f9fe-42da-8acb-78ccdd23668e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Pluralists argue that power is [ ] across many [ ].","back":"Pluralists argue that power is dispersed across many competing groups.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Pluralists argue that power is dispersed across many competing groups.","correct":true,"explanation":"Pluralism sees political power as spread among numerous interest groups. These groups compete to influence government, preventing any single group from permanently controlling decision-making."},{"text":"Pluralists argue that power is concentrated across many competing groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Concentrated power is associated with elite and Marxist theories, not pluralism. Pluralists argue that power is dispersed because multiple competing groups can influence decisions."},{"text":"Pluralists argue that power is dispersed across many cooperating groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Pluralists emphasise competition rather than general cooperation between groups. Power is dispersed across competing groups whose different interests create bargaining and checks on dominance."},{"text":"Pluralists argue that power is equally shared across many competing groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Pluralism does not claim that every group has exactly equal power. It argues that power is dispersed among competing groups, although their influence may vary."}]},{"id":"7add4ce4-1a05-4168-8f03-df4836d800ab","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is modern democracy a polyarchy for Dahl, not perfect rule by all?","back":"Because organised groups compete for influence.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Because organised groups compete for influence.","correct":true,"explanation":"Dahl’s polyarchy describes a realistic democracy in which organised groups compete for political influence. Citizens do not all govern directly, but competition prevents complete domination."},{"text":"Because all citizens govern directly through elections.","correct":false,"explanation":"Elections allow participation and accountability, but citizens do not govern directly in modern representative systems. Dahl calls them polyarchies because organised groups compete for influence."},{"text":"Because political elites rule without competition for influence.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rule by an uncontested elite would contradict Dahl’s emphasis on plural competition. A polyarchy exists because organised groups compete for influence rather than everyone ruling directly."},{"text":"Because elected representatives share equal power with citizens.","correct":false,"explanation":"Representative democracy does not give representatives and citizens equal governing power. Dahl’s point is that organised groups compete for influence within an imperfect but competitive democracy."}]},{"id":"d2c5bd67-2047-4e00-90a5-6415f47cb6a7","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why may pluralism exaggerate equality of access?","back":"Some groups have more money, contacts, expertise and media access.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Some groups have more money, contacts, expertise and media access.","correct":true,"explanation":"These unequal resources give wealthy or well-connected groups greater opportunities to gain access, shape agendas and persuade decision-makers, challenging the pluralist image of balanced competition."},{"text":"Some groups have more members, elections, policies and public duties.","correct":false,"explanation":"These features do not explain unequal access as directly as political resources do. Groups with greater money, contacts, expertise and media access can exert disproportionate influence."},{"text":"Some groups have more votes, ministers, laws and judicial powers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Pressure groups do not normally possess ministers, legislative authority or judicial powers. Unequal influence instead arises because some have greater money, contacts, expertise and media access."},{"text":"Some groups have more protests, petitions, slogans and demonstrations.","correct":false,"explanation":"Using more outsider tactics does not necessarily provide better access and may indicate exclusion. The key inequality concerns money, contacts, expertise and media access."}]},{"id":"0e493b88-9b6e-4391-84b1-94209e5d001b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Michels’ [ ] says democratic organisations become dominated by [ ].","back":"Michels’ iron law of oligarchy says democratic organisations become dominated by leaders and officials.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Michels’ iron law of oligarchy says democratic organisations become dominated by leaders and officials.","correct":true,"explanation":"Michels argued that organisational complexity produces specialised leaders and officials who control information and administration, causing even democratic organisations to become oligarchic."},{"text":"Michels’ circulation of elites says democratic organisations become dominated by leaders and officials.","correct":false,"explanation":"The circulation of elites is associated with Pareto and concerns the replacement of one elite by another. Michels proposed the iron law of oligarchy."},{"text":"Michels’ iron law of oligarchy says democratic organisations become dominated by members and voters.","correct":false,"explanation":"Michels argued that ordinary members lose effective control as organisations grow. His iron law predicts domination by leaders and officials with specialised knowledge and administrative authority."},{"text":"Michels’ democratic class struggle says democratic organisations become dominated by owners and shareholders.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses Michels with class and ownership approaches to power. His iron law of oligarchy states that democratic organisations become dominated by leaders and officials."}]},{"id":"d8fc9e3f-ebd6-4592-bb0f-d63d1d1be92c","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How would elite theorists explain pressure-group influence?","back":"Influence depends on resources, insider access and professional expertise.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Influence depends on resources, insider access and professional expertise.","correct":true,"explanation":"Elite theorists argue that well-resourced, professionally organised groups gain privileged access to decision-makers. Consequently, pressure-group influence is unequal rather than broadly balanced."},{"text":"Influence depends on membership, public support and frequent demonstrations.","correct":false,"explanation":"Large memberships and demonstrations may attract attention, but elite theory stresses unequal resources and privileged relationships. Insider access and professional expertise often matter more than numbers."},{"text":"Influence depends on equal access, open competition and popular participation.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects the pluralist expectation of broadly open competition. Elite theorists instead argue that resources, insider access and professional expertise give certain groups greater influence."},{"text":"Influence depends on electoral turnout, party loyalty and parliamentary representation.","correct":false,"explanation":"These factors primarily concern elections and political parties rather than pressure-group power. Elite theorists explain influence through resources, insider access and professional expertise."}]},{"id":"929269ad-9b43-42c9-864b-8de4c777c7f3","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of [ ] that define what is [ ].","back":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of knowledge and language that define what is normal, true or deviant.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of knowledge and language that define what is normal, true or deviant.","correct":true,"explanation":"Foucault treats discourse as frameworks of knowledge and language that construct accepted truths and classifications. These frameworks shape how people understand normality and deviance."},{"text":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of wealth and ownership that define what is normal, true or deviant.","correct":false,"explanation":"Wealth and ownership are central to Marxist explanations of material power. Foucault’s discourse instead concerns knowledge and language that establish accepted truth and normality."},{"text":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of knowledge and language that define what is legal, elected or representative.","correct":false,"explanation":"Discourse is broader than formal political and legal categories. For Foucault, systems of knowledge and language define what society accepts as normal, true or deviant."},{"text":"For Foucault, discourse means systems of coercion and violence that define what is obedient, lawful or punishable.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reduces power to direct force and legal punishment, which Foucault rejects. Discourse operates through knowledge and language to define normality, truth and deviance."}]},{"id":"42c8d9e2-9279-4e0d-bd6a-b625718e52a2","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What is a key criticism of postmodernist explanations of power?","back":"They may underplay material inequalities of class, wealth and ownership.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They may underplay material inequalities of class, wealth and ownership.","correct":true,"explanation":"Critics argue that postmodernism’s emphasis on discourse, identity and dispersed power can neglect persistent economic inequalities rooted in class relations, wealth and property ownership."},{"text":"They may overstate agreement between social groups and political institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Overstating social agreement is more commonly a criticism of consensus approaches such as functionalism. Postmodernism is criticised for underplaying material inequalities of class, wealth and ownership."},{"text":"They may ignore competition between pressure groups and political parties.","correct":false,"explanation":"Postmodernist analysis is not mainly criticised for overlooking formal group competition. Its stronger limitation is that attention to discourse can underplay class, wealth and ownership."},{"text":"They may exaggerate economic determination of culture, identity and language.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic determinism is more often associated with criticisms of traditional Marxism. Postmodernists are accused of the reverse problem: underplaying material inequalities and ownership."}]},{"id":"41ad67b0-c104-410f-8f41-99d1c8af0a35","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why are turnout statistics reliable but limited for understanding disengagement?","back":"They show who voted, not fully why.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They show who voted, not fully why.","correct":true,"explanation":"Official turnout figures accurately record participation patterns, but numerical data cannot reveal all the motives, attitudes or barriers underlying an individual’s decision not to vote."},{"text":"They show why people voted, not fully who.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the distinction between descriptive statistics and explanations. Turnout data identify who participated, but interviews or surveys are needed to investigate why."},{"text":"They show who registered, not fully who voted.","correct":false,"explanation":"Electoral registration figures measure eligibility, but turnout statistics specifically record voting participation. Their limitation is explaining why particular people voted or abstained."},{"text":"They show how people voted, not fully why.","correct":false,"explanation":"Turnout records participation rather than each person’s ballot choice, which remains secret. They show who voted but cannot fully explain the reasons behind participation or abstention."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Theories and explanations of power and politics","title":"Theories and explanations of power and politics Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L39"}]}],"topicId":"7bb5c51b-89e2-51ab-8ca3-ff21545a7817","walled":"$L3a"}],"$L3b","$L3c"]