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opportunities or access to services.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"social policy","correct":true,"explanation":"A social policy is a government action or rule designed to influence welfare, behaviour, opportunities or access to services within society."},{"text":"social norm","correct":false,"explanation":"A social norm is an informal expectation about behaviour, not a state action or rule. The correct term is social policy because it refers to government intervention."},{"text":"social value","correct":false,"explanation":"A social value is a shared belief about what is desirable, rather than a state action. The correct term is social policy because it describes an official intervention."},{"text":"social role","correct":false,"explanation":"A social role is a set of expectations attached to a social position, not a state rule. The correct term for government action is social policy."}]},{"id":"dd2e2066-fcbb-43e5-92c4-d0b1aec1e1aa","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"When evaluating health policy, what does the ‘health of the nation’ make sociologists examine?","back":"The overall pattern of health across the population.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The overall pattern of health across the population.","correct":true,"explanation":"The phrase directs attention to population-wide health outcomes and their distribution, rather than focusing only on individual patients, particular services or isolated illnesses."},{"text":"The individual experience of illness across the population.","correct":false,"explanation":"Individual experiences are relevant to sociology, but the ‘health of the nation’ concerns collective outcomes. The correct focus is the overall pattern of health across the population."},{"text":"The total level of NHS spending across the population.","correct":false,"explanation":"NHS spending is an input into healthcare, not a direct measure of national health. Sociologists examine the overall pattern of health across the population."},{"text":"The geographical location of hospitals across the population.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hospital location may affect access, but it is only one policy issue. The broader concept concerns the overall pattern of health across the population."}]},{"id":"1854eb23-2192-4aa1-ab1e-56a8b793f2d6","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Public health focuses on [ ], rather than only treating individuals after illness.","back":"Public health focuses on population-level prevention and improvement, rather than only treating individuals after illness.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"population-level prevention and improvement","correct":true,"explanation":"Public health aims to prevent disease and improve health across whole populations through measures such as vaccination, regulation, education and environmental change."},{"text":"individual-level diagnosis and treatment","correct":false,"explanation":"Diagnosis and treatment focus on people who are already ill, which describes clinical medicine more closely. Public health instead prioritises population-level prevention and improvement."},{"text":"hospital-level funding and management","correct":false,"explanation":"Hospital funding and management concern healthcare administration rather than the central purpose of public health. The correct focus is population-level prevention and improvement."},{"text":"patient-level recovery and rehabilitation","correct":false,"explanation":"Recovery and rehabilitation usually occur after illness or injury. Public health has a broader preventive focus: population-level prevention and improvement before problems become widespread."}]},{"id":"a24e8ae3-5605-488b-a5eb-2eaca93b4112","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can welfare benefits affect health outside the NHS?","back":"They can raise income, reducing material deprivation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They can raise income, reducing material deprivation.","correct":true,"explanation":"Welfare benefits can increase household resources, helping people afford adequate food, heating and housing. This reduces material deprivation and can improve health independently of NHS care."},{"text":"They can raise prescriptions, reducing material deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Prescriptions provide medical treatment but do not directly increase the resources available for basic living costs. Welfare benefits can raise income, thereby reducing material deprivation."},{"text":"They can raise hospital capacity, reducing material deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hospital capacity is determined through healthcare funding and planning, not welfare payments. Benefits affect health outside the NHS by raising income and reducing material deprivation."},{"text":"They can raise doctor numbers, reducing material deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Increasing doctor numbers is an NHS workforce policy and does not directly address poverty. Welfare benefits can improve health by raising income and reducing material deprivation."}]},{"id":"8605435b-3ca7-4363-8040-b365947e7066","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did the 2007 smoking ban directly reduce health risk?","back":"It reduced second-hand smoke exposure in enclosed workplaces and public places.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It reduced second-hand smoke exposure in enclosed workplaces and public places.","correct":true,"explanation":"The ban prevented smoking in enclosed workplaces and public places, directly protecting non-smokers and workers from inhaling harmful second-hand tobacco smoke."},{"text":"It reduced tobacco advertising exposure in enclosed workplaces and public places.","correct":false,"explanation":"Advertising restrictions came from separate tobacco-control policies, not the direct operation of the smoking ban. The ban reduced second-hand smoke exposure in enclosed workplaces and public places."},{"text":"It reduced cigarette nicotine content in enclosed workplaces and public places.","correct":false,"explanation":"The ban regulated where smoking could occur; it did not alter the nicotine content of cigarettes. Its direct effect was reducing second-hand smoke exposure in covered spaces."},{"text":"It reduced smoking inside private homes in enclosed workplaces and public places.","correct":false,"explanation":"Private homes were generally outside the ban’s scope, so it did not directly prohibit smoking there. It reduced second-hand smoke exposure in enclosed workplaces and public places."}]},{"id":"f99e91db-f385-4041-8cf8-9f551f05fbd8","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did anti-smoking policies do besides give health information?","back":"They re-socialised smoking as risky and antisocial.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They re-socialised smoking as risky and antisocial.","correct":true,"explanation":"Restrictions, warnings and campaigns changed social meanings as well as providing information, encouraging people to view smoking as harmful to themselves and inconsiderate towards others."},{"text":"They re-socialised smoking as normal and sociable.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the intended cultural change: anti-smoking measures challenged the normalisation of tobacco use. They re-socialised smoking as risky and antisocial."},{"text":"They re-socialised smoking as private and harmless.","correct":false,"explanation":"Anti-smoking policies highlighted harm to smokers and people exposed to second-hand smoke, rather than presenting smoking as harmless. They framed it as risky and antisocial."},{"text":"They re-socialised smoking as fashionable and rebellious.","correct":false,"explanation":"Fashionable or rebellious imagery was historically associated with tobacco marketing, not public health policy. Anti-smoking measures instead re-socialised smoking as risky and antisocial."}]},{"id":"911ba15d-2e46-4499-adb8-31f3b95a6c06","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The NHS was created in [ ] after the [ ].","back":"The NHS was created in 1948 after the Beveridge Report.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The NHS was created in 1948 after the Beveridge Report.","correct":true,"explanation":"The NHS began operating in 1948 as part of post-war welfare reform influenced by the 1942 Beveridge Report and its proposals for tackling major social problems."},{"text":"The NHS was created in 1946 after the Beveridge Report.","correct":false,"explanation":"The 1946 date is tempting because the National Health Service Act was passed then, but the NHS itself began operating in 1948 after the Beveridge Report."},{"text":"The NHS was created in 1948 after the Black Report.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Black Report was published in 1980 and examined health inequalities, so it could not have preceded the NHS. The NHS began in 1948 after the Beveridge Report."},{"text":"The NHS was created in 1951 after the Black Report.","correct":false,"explanation":"Both details are misplaced: the NHS began in 1948, while the Black Report appeared decades later in 1980. Its creation followed the Beveridge Report."}]},{"id":"8b669c94-06fc-45e8-b934-09c8f473131a","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why is the NHS described as universalist?","back":"It is intended to be available to everyone as a right.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It is intended to be available to everyone as a right.","correct":true,"explanation":"Universalism means NHS services are intended for the whole population as a social right, rather than being restricted only to people who pass a means test."},{"text":"It is intended to be available only after a means test.","correct":false,"explanation":"Means-tested provision is selective rather than universal because eligibility depends on income or resources. The NHS is intended to be available to everyone as a right."},{"text":"It is intended to be available only through private insurance.","correct":false,"explanation":"Access based on private insurance would exclude people without suitable coverage and would not be universalist. The NHS is intended to be available to everyone as a right."},{"text":"It is intended to be available only to employed taxpayers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Universal NHS provision is not restricted to people currently in employment or paying income tax. It is intended to be available to everyone as a right."}]},{"id":"0e1ec34b-ce03-443e-9a73-3ceaaf3d43d3","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"From a functionalist view, how does the NHS support social stability?","back":"It treats illness so people can return to work.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It treats illness so people can return to work.","correct":true,"explanation":"Functionalists see illness as disrupting normal social roles. By treating patients and enabling them to resume employment, the NHS helps maintain productivity and social stability."},{"text":"It treats illness so people can withdraw from society permanently.","correct":false,"explanation":"Permanent withdrawal would weaken social integration rather than promote stability. Functionalists argue that NHS treatment helps ill people recover and return to work and other social duties."},{"text":"It treats illness so people can challenge the existing class system.","correct":false,"explanation":"Challenging class inequality reflects a conflict or Marxist perspective, not the functionalist explanation. Functionalists emphasise restoring health so people can return to work and society functions smoothly."},{"text":"It treats illness so people can avoid their social responsibilities.","correct":false,"explanation":"Functionalists do not view healthcare as enabling people to avoid responsibilities indefinitely. The NHS supports stability by treating illness so patients can recover and return to work."}]},{"id":"d7c95ffd-8f72-4511-a8bd-8d55a07a71d8","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Parsons’ [ ] permits stepping back from duties when ill, but expects help-seeking and recovery.","back":"Parsons’ sick role permits stepping back from duties when ill, but expects help-seeking and recovery.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"sick role","correct":true,"explanation":"Parsons’ sick role temporarily excuses an ill person from normal duties, while requiring them to view illness as undesirable, seek professional help and try to recover."},{"text":"medical gaze","correct":false,"explanation":"The medical gaze is Foucault’s concept describing how medicine separates the diseased body from the patient’s wider identity. Parsons’ concept governing the rights and duties of patients is the sick role."},{"text":"value consensus","correct":false,"explanation":"Value consensus means broad agreement about society’s shared norms and values. Parsons used the sick role specifically to describe permission to withdraw temporarily from duties while pursuing recovery."},{"text":"social system","correct":false,"explanation":"The social system is Parsons’ wider model of interconnected institutions and roles, not the specific patient role described here. The required concept is the sick role."}]},{"id":"63d6d9a9-36f2-4bf5-ab9b-7fd2b91d4fdb","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"According to Tudor Hart, what happens to those most needing medical care?","back":"They are often least likely to receive good care.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They are often least likely to receive good care.","correct":true,"explanation":"Tudor Hart’s inverse care law states that good medical care is often least available to those who need it most, particularly in deprived communities."},{"text":"They are often most likely to receive good care.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Tudor Hart’s inverse care law. Those with the greatest medical needs are often least likely to receive good care because provision is weakest in deprived areas."},{"text":"They are often equally likely to receive good care.","correct":false,"explanation":"Equal access overlooks the social and geographical inequalities identified by Tudor Hart. His inverse care law argues that those needing care most are often least likely to receive good care."},{"text":"They are often automatically prioritised for good care.","correct":false,"explanation":"Greater need does not automatically produce priority or better provision. Tudor Hart argued that healthcare availability varies inversely with need, leaving the neediest least likely to receive good care."}]},{"id":"795fc14c-e050-445f-908d-2cb121d7416a","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What was a major criticism of the Health and Social Care Act 2012?","back":"It encouraged marketisation of healthcare.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It encouraged marketisation of healthcare.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Act expanded competition, commissioning and opportunities for private providers within the NHS. Critics argued that this encouraged marketisation and weakened healthcare as a wholly public service."},{"text":"It encouraged centralisation of healthcare.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Act transferred substantial commissioning responsibility away from central government rather than simply centralising healthcare. Its major criticism was that competition and private provision encouraged marketisation."},{"text":"It encouraged decommodification of healthcare.","correct":false,"explanation":"Decommodification means reducing reliance on markets and people’s purchasing power. Critics argued that the Act moved in the opposite direction by encouraging competition and marketisation in healthcare."},{"text":"It encouraged universalisation of healthcare.","correct":false,"explanation":"Universal access was already a founding NHS principle and was not the central criticism of the Act. Critics focused on its encouragement of marketisation through competition and private providers."}]},{"id":"bf6c9c7b-0b34-4422-ad49-745b39cf62dc","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What did The Health of the Nation White Paper 1992 use to improve health?","back":"It set targets for major health areas.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It set targets for major health areas.","correct":true,"explanation":"The White Paper established measurable targets in priority areas such as coronary heart disease, cancer, mental illness, accidents and HIV/AIDS to guide improvements in national health."},{"text":"It set prices for major health areas.","correct":false,"explanation":"The policy was not primarily a system for fixing healthcare prices. It aimed to improve population health by establishing measurable targets across several major health areas."},{"text":"It set budgets for major health areas.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although health policies involve funding, the White Paper’s distinctive method was not setting separate budgets. It established targets for reducing illness and improving outcomes in priority health areas."},{"text":"It set staffing quotas for major health areas.","correct":false,"explanation":"Staffing quotas were not the White Paper’s main mechanism for improving national health. It used measurable targets for major health areas to focus policy and assess progress."}]},{"id":"49841380-271f-4288-9272-1dc904093378","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Foucault’s [ ] explains power working through people monitoring and disciplining themselves.","back":"Foucault’s governmentality explains power working through people monitoring and disciplining themselves.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"governmentality","correct":true,"explanation":"Governmentality describes power operating through individuals who internalise norms, monitor their own conduct and regulate themselves, rather than being controlled only by direct state coercion."},{"text":"medical gaze","correct":false,"explanation":"The medical gaze concerns medicine’s tendency to treat the patient as an object of clinical observation. Governmentality explains how individuals internalise expectations and monitor and discipline themselves."},{"text":"archaeology","correct":false,"explanation":"Archaeology is Foucault’s method for examining the historical rules shaping systems of knowledge and discourse. The concept describing self-monitoring as a form of power is governmentality."},{"text":"sovereign power","correct":false,"explanation":"Sovereign power operates through visible authority, commands and punishment imposed from above. Governmentality instead explains power working through people’s internalised self-monitoring and self-discipline."}]},{"id":"c491b146-b1f9-4825-91e3-d94c68717908","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can lifestyle-focused health campaigns be criticised as victim-blaming?","back":"They ignore poverty and structural barriers to healthy choices.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They ignore poverty and structural barriers to healthy choices.","correct":true,"explanation":"Lifestyle campaigns may present health as a matter of individual choice while overlooking low income, poor housing and limited access to healthy options, thereby blaming disadvantaged individuals."},{"text":"They ignore individual responsibility and motivation for healthy choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Victim-blaming campaigns usually place too much, not too little, emphasis on individual responsibility. The criticism is that they ignore poverty and structural barriers that restrict healthy choices."},{"text":"They ignore doctors and hospitals as social institutions in healthy choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"The institutional role of medicine is not what makes lifestyle campaigns victim-blaming. The criticism arises because campaigns overlook poverty and structural barriers while holding individuals responsible."},{"text":"They ignore campaign costs and government spending on healthy choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Questions about public spending concern policy efficiency, not victim-blaming. The victim-blaming criticism is that campaigns ignore poverty and structural barriers that limit people’s ability to choose healthier lifestyles."}]},{"id":"f329678b-e3fe-43d1-acec-3b3da5114657","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Bourdieu’s capital explain unequal responses to health advice?","back":"Middle-class people have more resources to act on advice.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Middle-class people have more resources to act on advice.","correct":true,"explanation":"Bourdieu’s economic, cultural and social capital give many middle-class people greater money, knowledge, confidence and connections, enabling them to understand and act on health advice."},{"text":"Middle-class people have fewer resources to act on advice.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the usual class pattern identified using Bourdieu’s theory. Middle-class people generally possess more economic, cultural and social resources that help them act on health advice."},{"text":"Middle-class people have more biological resistance to illness.","correct":false,"explanation":"Bourdieu’s capital concerns socially distributed money, knowledge, tastes and networks, not inherited biological immunity. Middle-class people often respond more effectively because they have more resources to act on advice."},{"text":"Middle-class people have equal resources to act on advice.","correct":false,"explanation":"Bourdieu’s theory emphasises unequal distributions of economic, cultural and social capital between classes. Middle-class people commonly have more resources, allowing them to act more readily on health advice."}]},{"id":"861019fe-51f7-42c7-8505-5ae69df44d2b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] are wider social and economic conditions that shape illness and wellbeing.","back":"The social determinants of health are wider social and economic conditions that shape illness and wellbeing.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"social determinants of health","correct":true,"explanation":"These are the social and economic circumstances, such as income, housing, education and employment, that influence patterns of illness, wellbeing and life expectancy."},{"text":"individual lifestyle choices","correct":false,"explanation":"Focusing only on lifestyle treats health as a matter of personal behaviour. The correct term is social determinants of health because wider social and economic conditions shape health."},{"text":"biomedical causes of disease","correct":false,"explanation":"Biomedical causes concern bodily processes, pathogens and genetics rather than wider social conditions. The correct term is social determinants of health, including income, housing and employment."},{"text":"patterns of medical diagnosis","correct":false,"explanation":"Diagnosis describes how illnesses are identified and classified, not the conditions producing health inequalities. The correct term is social determinants of health because these shape illness and wellbeing."}]},{"id":"bded0e12-8987-4065-b30b-8b7e6d92004c","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] (1980) linked class health inequalities to [ ].","back":"The Black Report (1980) linked class health inequalities to material deprivation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The Black Report (1980) linked class health inequalities to material deprivation.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Black Report found persistent class inequalities in health and emphasised material deprivation, including differences in income, housing, working conditions and access to resources."},{"text":"The Acheson Report (1980) linked class health inequalities to material deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Acheson Report was published in 1998, so attaching it to 1980 is a date and report confusion. The Black Report of 1980 emphasised material deprivation."},{"text":"The Black Report (1980) linked class health inequalities to cultural deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural deprivation is more commonly used to explain educational inequality. The Black Report linked class health inequalities primarily to material deprivation, such as low income and poor housing."},{"text":"The Beveridge Report (1980) linked class health inequalities to individual lifestyle choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Beveridge Report appeared in 1942 and addressed social security, while lifestyle explanations individualise ill health. The Black Report of 1980 stressed material deprivation."}]},{"id":"03478d8d-da52-48ab-8092-00ffb95b3dff","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How should support be distributed under Marmot’s proportionate universalism?","back":"Universal support, with extra intensity for greater need.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Universal support, with extra intensity for greater need.","correct":true,"explanation":"Proportionate universalism provides support to everyone but increases its scale and intensity as disadvantage rises, combining universal coverage with action proportionate to need."},{"text":"Equal support, with the same intensity for every group.","correct":false,"explanation":"Providing identical support ignores unequal starting points and differing levels of disadvantage. Proportionate universalism means universal support with extra intensity for those with greater need."},{"text":"Targeted support, available only to those with greatest need.","correct":false,"explanation":"Targeting only the most disadvantaged abandons the universal element of Marmot’s approach. Support should reach everyone, while becoming more intensive as levels of need increase."},{"text":"Private support, purchased according to ability to pay.","correct":false,"explanation":"Market-based provision distributes support by income rather than health need and can widen inequality. Marmot advocates universal support, with greater intensity for people facing greater disadvantage."}]},{"id":"65184d3f-9fec-407d-b562-1cc80724c41d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What would a Marxist argue about healthcare policy under capitalism?","back":"It protects the workforce while leaving capitalist inequalities untouched.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It protects the workforce while leaving capitalist inequalities untouched.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marxists argue that healthcare maintains workers’ ability to labour and supports capitalism, but does not remove the class inequalities that produce unequal health outcomes."},{"text":"It abolishes the class system by distributing healthcare equally.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marxists do not see healthcare policy as abolishing class divisions because ownership and economic inequality remain. They argue it protects the workforce while leaving capitalism intact."},{"text":"It empowers the working class while ending capitalist exploitation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Providing healthcare may benefit workers, but Marxists argue it does not end exploitation or capitalist ownership. Its central function is maintaining a healthy, productive workforce."},{"text":"It represents the shared interests of all social classes equally.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects a consensus view rather than a Marxist one. Marxists argue healthcare serves capitalism by maintaining labour while leaving underlying class inequalities largely untouched."}]},{"id":"164e6b6c-354b-4bfb-a973-a6d917b5ffd8","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In the social model, what should policy remove to improve disabled people’s health?","back":"Social barriers, not simply impairments.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Social barriers, not simply impairments.","correct":true,"explanation":"The social model argues that inaccessible environments, discriminatory attitudes and exclusionary institutions disable people. Policy should therefore remove social barriers rather than focus only on impairments."},{"text":"Physical impairments, not inaccessible environments.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating impairment as the main problem reflects the medical model. The social model argues that policy should remove disabling social barriers, including inaccessible environments and discrimination."},{"text":"Personal dependence, not structural discrimination.","correct":false,"explanation":"This individualises disability and overlooks the role of institutions and environments. The social model calls for removing social barriers, including structural discrimination and inaccessible provision."},{"text":"Individual limitations, not unequal access.","correct":false,"explanation":"Focusing on individual limitations wrongly locates disability within the person. The social model identifies social barriers, such as unequal access and exclusion, as the proper target of policy."}]},{"id":"0868e89f-8b80-4ae9-a2a1-7a1044c1962b","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Goffman’s stigma limit the impact of disability rights law?","back":"Legal rights do not automatically remove negative labels.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Legal rights do not automatically remove negative labels.","correct":true,"explanation":"Goffman argues that stigma is produced through social interactions and damaging identities. Formal legal protection can prohibit discrimination without automatically changing negative labels and attitudes."},{"text":"Legal rights immediately eliminate negative attitudes.","correct":false,"explanation":"This assumes legal reform automatically transforms everyday beliefs and interactions. Goffman’s approach shows that negative labels can persist even after formal rights have been established."},{"text":"Legal rights only address existing physical impairments.","correct":false,"explanation":"Disability rights law addresses discrimination and access rather than treating impairments directly. Its limitation is that legal protection does not automatically remove the negative labels underlying stigma."},{"text":"Legal rights allow people to avoid social interaction.","correct":false,"explanation":"Avoiding interaction is neither the purpose nor the main effect of disability rights law. Goffman’s point is that negative labels can survive despite formal legal protections."}]},{"id":"475aa61d-7ec4-4fc2-a122-9289eec0e6a5","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What feminist criticism applies to health and care policy?","back":"It often relies on women’s unpaid caring labour.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It often relies on women’s unpaid caring labour.","correct":true,"explanation":"Feminists argue that health and care policies often assume women will provide unpaid care within families, reinforcing gendered responsibilities and reducing pressure on public services."},{"text":"It often relies on men’s unpaid caring labour.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although men may provide care, feminist analysis highlights the disproportionate expectation placed on women. Health and care policy often depends on women’s unpaid caring labour."},{"text":"It often relies on fully funded professional care.","correct":false,"explanation":"Feminist criticism stresses that care is frequently shifted away from fully funded services and onto families. Women then perform a disproportionate share of unpaid caring labour."},{"text":"It often relies on employers’ voluntary contributions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Employer contributions are not the central feminist concern in care policy. Feminists focus on policies relying on women to provide unpaid care within households and families."}]},{"id":"1eabf88d-2aab-4818-8ebb-8421c092867b","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did COVID-19 show about health policies and inequality?","back":"Policies interact with existing work, housing, age, disability and ethnicity inequalities.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Policies interact with existing work, housing, age, disability and ethnicity inequalities.","correct":true,"explanation":"COVID-19 showed that policy effects are shaped by existing inequalities. Exposure, vulnerability and capacity to follow restrictions differed by employment, housing, age, disability and ethnicity."},{"text":"Policies operate independently of existing social and economic inequalities.","correct":false,"explanation":"COVID-19 demonstrated that policies do not operate in a social vacuum. Their effects interacted with existing inequalities in work, housing, age, disability and ethnicity."},{"text":"Policies affect everyone equally regardless of work, housing, age, disability or ethnicity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Equal formal rules did not produce equal experiences or outcomes because groups faced different risks and resources. COVID-19 policies interacted with existing work, housing and demographic inequalities."},{"text":"Policies create health differences mainly through individual lifestyle choices and personal responsibility.","correct":false,"explanation":"This individualises unequal outcomes and overlooks structural conditions. COVID-19 showed that policy effects were shaped by existing inequalities in employment, housing, age, disability and ethnicity."}]},{"id":"0c01abac-3d9d-4a93-a4b5-92995b0ce7ec","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why doesn’t rising life expectancy after a policy prove the policy caused it?","back":"Alternative causes may explain the trend.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Alternative causes may explain the trend.","correct":true,"explanation":"Life expectancy may rise because of economic growth, medical advances or changing lifestyles occurring alongside the policy. This correlation cannot establish that the policy itself caused the improvement."},{"text":"Government policies cannot affect national health.","correct":false,"explanation":"Policies can influence health through healthcare provision, welfare, housing and regulation. The problem is not that policies have no effect, but that alternative causes may explain the trend."},{"text":"Life expectancy figures are never statistically reliable.","correct":false,"explanation":"Life expectancy is a widely used statistical measure and is not inherently unreliable. Causation remains uncertain because other social, economic or medical changes may have produced the rise."},{"text":"Health improvements always occur before policy changes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Health improvements do not invariably precede policy changes; they may occur before, during or after implementation. Timing alone is insufficient because alternative causes may account for the trend."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"The impact of social policies on the health of the nation","title":"The impact of social policies on the health of the nation Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L39"}]}],"topicId":"42089a4b-1bed-5f1c-9aea-7bc6c7982394","walled":"$L3a"}],"$L3b","$L3c"]