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situation."},{"text":"single isolated event","correct":false,"explanation":"An isolated event does not demonstrate a wider social regularity. The correct answer is “repeated trend or relationship” because a pattern must recur across cases or over time."},{"text":"personal opinion about society","correct":false,"explanation":"A personal opinion is an individual viewpoint rather than an observable social regularity. The correct answer is “repeated trend or relationship”, identified through recurring evidence."},{"text":"random individual behaviour","correct":false,"explanation":"Random behaviour does not form a consistent social pattern. The correct answer is “repeated trend or relationship” because sociologists look for regularities within social evidence."}]},{"id":"83d0bfd1-de96-4b00-b795-b75050127464","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"When identifying a pattern of inequality, what must sociologists ask about groups?","back":"Who is advantaged, who is disadvantaged, where, and why.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Who is advantaged, who is disadvantaged, where, and why.","correct":true,"explanation":"Identifying inequality requires comparing which social groups gain advantages and which experience disadvantages, while also examining the locations and social causes of that unequal distribution."},{"text":"Who is numerically largest, who is numerically smallest, where, and when.","correct":false,"explanation":"Group size does not reveal how resources, opportunities or power are distributed. Sociologists must ask who is advantaged, who is disadvantaged, where inequality occurs, and why."},{"text":"Who is socially typical, who is socially unusual, when, and how.","correct":false,"explanation":"Typicality concerns how common characteristics are, not whether groups experience inequality. Sociologists must identify who is advantaged and disadvantaged, where this occurs, and why."},{"text":"Who is being studied, who is doing research, when, and how.","correct":false,"explanation":"Distinguishing participants from researchers is a methodological issue, not a way to identify inequality. The relevant questions concern who is advantaged or disadvantaged, where, and why."}]},{"id":"abac6a43-93e8-442c-ab22-5d4c5a893a30","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What happens to inequalities in cumulative disadvantage?","back":"They build up and reinforce each other over time.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They build up and reinforce each other over time.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cumulative disadvantage occurs when one disadvantage produces or intensifies others, causing inequalities to build up and become increasingly entrenched across a person’s life."},{"text":"They weaken and cancel each other out over time.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the cumulative process: disadvantages do not automatically offset one another. They build up and reinforce each other, often widening inequality as time passes."},{"text":"They remain separate and unchanged over time.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cumulative disadvantage means inequalities interact rather than remaining independent and static. They build up and reinforce each other, producing increasingly unequal outcomes over time."},{"text":"They reverse and benefit disadvantaged groups over time.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses cumulative disadvantage with compensatory advantage. In cumulative disadvantage, inequalities build up and reinforce each other, worsening outcomes for already disadvantaged groups over time."}]},{"id":"04a6f592-e347-4966-aa16-060a17718d8e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] is associated with [ ].","back":"Life chances is associated with Weber.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Life chances is associated with Weber.","correct":true,"explanation":"Max Weber used life chances to describe people’s opportunities to obtain valued outcomes, such as education, health and material rewards, based on their social position."},{"text":"Life chances is associated with Marx.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marx is principally associated with class conflict and ownership of the means of production. Life chances is a concept associated with Weber’s multidimensional account of inequality."},{"text":"Class conflict is associated with Weber.","correct":false,"explanation":"Class conflict is most strongly associated with Marx, although Weber also analysed class. The required pairing is life chances with Weber, who examined unequal social opportunities."},{"text":"Cultural capital is associated with Bourdieu.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural capital is correctly associated with Bourdieu, but it does not complete this card’s required pairing. The relevant concept is life chances, associated with Weber."}]},{"id":"18915d85-582f-4115-86da-b39f85143a9e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can poverty affect later employment through education?","back":"Poorer education can mean fewer qualifications and less secure work.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Poorer education can mean fewer qualifications and less secure work.","correct":true,"explanation":"Educational disadvantage can reduce the qualifications available to an individual, restricting access to stable, well-paid occupations and increasing the likelihood of insecure employment."},{"text":"Poorer education can mean higher qualifications and less secure work.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the usual relationship between educational disadvantage and qualifications. Poorer education generally leads to fewer qualifications, which can restrict access to secure employment."},{"text":"Poorer education can mean fewer qualifications and more secure work.","correct":false,"explanation":"Fewer qualifications generally reduce access to secure professional employment rather than improving it. Poorer education can therefore result in fewer qualifications and less secure work."},{"text":"Poorer education can mean equal qualifications and equally secure work.","correct":false,"explanation":"This overlooks how unequal educational experiences affect later opportunities. Poorer education can produce fewer qualifications, which in turn makes secure employment more difficult to obtain."}]},{"id":"f6fd9f9e-2812-4681-856c-6e6f76ab45e1","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"A household lacks food, clean water, shelter and basic healthcare. Which poverty concept fits best?","back":"Absolute poverty.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Absolute poverty.","correct":true,"explanation":"Absolute poverty means lacking the resources required to meet fundamental physical needs, including adequate food, clean water, shelter and essential healthcare."},{"text":"Relative poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative poverty concerns having substantially fewer resources than the normal standard in a particular society. Lacking essentials for physical survival is absolute poverty."},{"text":"Subjective poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Subjective poverty depends on whether people perceive themselves as poor. An objective lack of food, water, shelter and healthcare is classified as absolute poverty."},{"text":"Persistent poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Persistent poverty describes poverty experienced over an extended period, regardless of its precise severity. Lacking basic necessities for survival specifically indicates absolute poverty."}]},{"id":"8f3eb22a-94d9-4bcf-8675-e596184e9faf","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"A family can survive but cannot afford normal participation in society. Which poverty concept fits best?","back":"Relative poverty.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Relative poverty.","correct":true,"explanation":"Relative poverty occurs when people can meet basic survival needs but lack the resources needed to achieve society’s normal living standards and participate fully."},{"text":"Absolute poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Absolute poverty involves being unable to meet fundamental survival needs. Someone who can survive but cannot participate in society’s normal activities is experiencing relative poverty."},{"text":"Subjective poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Subjective poverty is based on a person’s own assessment of whether they are poor. Inability to afford normal social participation describes relative poverty."},{"text":"Persistent poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Persistent poverty refers to the duration of poverty rather than comparison with normal living standards. Surviving but lacking normal social participation indicates relative poverty."}]},{"id":"f935b42b-d18f-4128-8c51-89f6f908f23d","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below [ ] of [ ].","back":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below 60% of median income.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below 60% of median income.","correct":true,"explanation":"The commonly used UK threshold identifies relative poverty as household income below 60% of the median, usually calculated after housing costs and adjusted for household composition."},{"text":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below 50% of median income.","correct":false,"explanation":"This uses a threshold ten percentage points too low. The standard measure commonly used in the UK is household income below 60% of median income."},{"text":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below 60% of mean income.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses the median with the arithmetic mean, which is more affected by extremely high incomes. The usual threshold is 60% of median income."},{"text":"In the UK, relative poverty is often measured as household income below 70% of median income.","correct":false,"explanation":"This places the threshold ten percentage points too high and would classify more households as poor. The commonly used measure is 60% of median income."}]},{"id":"aa076212-6265-44a0-8dc2-2e898cb2f261","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which poverty concept covers disadvantage across health, education, housing and political voice?","back":"Multidimensional poverty.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Multidimensional poverty.","correct":true,"explanation":"Multidimensional poverty measures overlapping disadvantages across several areas of life, including health, education, living conditions and participation, rather than examining income alone."},{"text":"Relative income poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative income poverty compares income with the typical standard in a society. The wider concept covering health, education, housing and political voice is multidimensional poverty."},{"text":"Absolute income poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Absolute income poverty concerns whether income can meet basic needs against a fixed threshold. Multidimensional poverty captures disadvantage across numerous social and political dimensions."},{"text":"Persistent income poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Persistent income poverty describes remaining below an income threshold over time. Disadvantage spanning health, education, housing and political voice is instead multidimensional poverty."}]},{"id":"c5aa302c-4de9-45a1-a7a4-eb93b9a7aa54","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Sen’s capability approach judge development?","back":"By what people can do and become, not income alone.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"By what people can do and become, not income alone.","correct":true,"explanation":"Sen judges development through people’s substantive freedoms and capabilities, meaning the valuable lives, activities and personal states they can realistically achieve."},{"text":"By what people can earn and consume, not freedom alone.","correct":false,"explanation":"Focusing on earnings and consumption repeats the income-based approach Sen criticises. His capability approach examines what people can do and become with available resources."},{"text":"By how economies grow and industrialise, not wellbeing alone.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic growth and industrialisation may provide resources, but Sen does not treat them as development itself. Development is judged by what people can do and become."},{"text":"By whether governments redistribute income equally, not choice alone.","correct":false,"explanation":"Income distribution can affect opportunities, but equality of income is not Sen’s central measure. His approach assesses people’s real capabilities to do and become valuable things."}]},{"id":"01273340-6bdd-49e1-a062-1bd5e9676a74","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The social gradient in health means health outcomes usually improve as [ ] improves.","back":"The social gradient in health means health outcomes usually improve as social position improves.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"social position","correct":true,"explanation":"The social gradient describes the step-by-step improvement in health associated with rising social position, rather than a simple divide between the poorest and everyone else."},{"text":"healthcare quality","correct":false,"explanation":"Better healthcare can improve health, but this does not define the social gradient. The gradient is the pattern in which health improves as social position rises."},{"text":"genetic fitness","correct":false,"explanation":"The social gradient is a social pattern, not an effect of inherited biological characteristics. It means health outcomes generally improve as social position improves."},{"text":"treatment intensity","correct":false,"explanation":"Receiving more intensive treatment does not explain the population-wide social gradient and may indicate greater illness. The gradient links improving health outcomes with improving social position."}]},{"id":"d6ac8d2a-5165-43f4-85e6-2ac77f1973b0","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do Wilkinson and Pickett link inequality to worse health?","back":"Inequality creates stress, insecurity and lower social trust.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Inequality creates stress, insecurity and lower social trust.","correct":true,"explanation":"Wilkinson and Pickett emphasise psychosocial effects: greater inequality increases status anxiety and insecurity, weakens trust and produces chronic stress that damages physical and mental health."},{"text":"Inequality creates higher taxes, slower growth and fewer doctors.","correct":false,"explanation":"Their explanation is not primarily about taxation, economic growth or doctor numbers. They argue inequality damages health through stress, insecurity and reduced social trust."},{"text":"Inequality creates genetic weakness, ageing and lower immunity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Genetic weakness and ageing are not social consequences of unequal income distribution. Wilkinson and Pickett instead stress the harmful effects of insecurity, status anxiety and lower trust."},{"text":"Inequality creates more migration, urbanisation and cultural conflict.","correct":false,"explanation":"Migration and urbanisation are not Wilkinson and Pickett’s main causal mechanism. They argue unequal societies generate stress and insecurity while weakening social trust."}]},{"id":"be97e4da-f8a5-4cb3-929d-2fb870efa61b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Income, housing, food, sanitation and safe work are which type of health factor?","back":"Material factors.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Material factors.","correct":true,"explanation":"These are material factors because they concern the physical and economic conditions in which people live and work, including resources, shelter, nutrition and environmental safety."},{"text":"Cultural factors.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural factors concern shared beliefs, norms and behaviours, not physical living conditions. Income, housing, food, sanitation and safe work are material factors."},{"text":"Genetic factors.","correct":false,"explanation":"Genetic factors are inherited biological characteristics and do not include social resources or living conditions. Income, housing, nutrition, sanitation and workplace safety are material factors."},{"text":"Psychological factors.","correct":false,"explanation":"Psychological factors involve mental processes such as stress, coping and self-esteem. The listed economic and physical living conditions are classified as material factors."}]},{"id":"9c09d6c9-38b5-4a30-8050-05682d395912","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"If countries classify illness differently, what problem can health statistics have?","back":"Lower validity.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Lower validity.","correct":true,"explanation":"Different classifications may mean apparently identical statistics measure different things in each country. This reduces validity because cross-national figures do not accurately represent the same phenomenon."},{"text":"Higher reliability.","correct":false,"explanation":"Inconsistent national classifications do not make measurements more dependable or repeatable. They reduce validity because the figures may represent different definitions of illness."},{"text":"Lower representativeness.","correct":false,"explanation":"Representativeness concerns whether a sample reflects its target population, not how illness is defined. Different classifications reduce validity by preventing like-for-like measurement."},{"text":"Higher objectivity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Using different classifications does not remove researcher judgement or make statistics more objective. It lowers validity because countries may be recording different phenomena under the same label."}]},{"id":"78390710-21b1-45f4-a6be-797001382d5c","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does the digital divide restrict access to?","back":"Devices, internet connection and digital skills.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Devices, internet connection and digital skills.","correct":true,"explanation":"The digital divide concerns unequal access to digital hardware, a reliable internet connection and the skills needed to use digital services and information effectively."},{"text":"Television, radio and printed newspapers.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are mainly traditional mass-media sources rather than the central elements of digital exclusion. The digital divide restricts devices, internet connectivity and digital skills."},{"text":"Housing, sanitation and secure employment.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are material living and working conditions, not specifically digital resources. The digital divide concerns unequal access to devices, internet connections and digital skills."},{"text":"Qualifications, school places and teacher support.","correct":false,"explanation":"These describe educational opportunities and support rather than digital access itself. The digital divide specifically restricts devices, internet connectivity and the skills required to use them."}]},{"id":"1fb08972-ddfd-4513-94d8-cf0fa0f950d2","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can cultural capital advantage middle-class pupils?","back":"Schools reward their knowledge, language, tastes and behaviours.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Schools reward their knowledge, language, tastes and behaviours.","correct":true,"explanation":"Middle-class families transmit cultural resources that closely match school expectations. Teachers and assessment systems therefore value their knowledge, speech, tastes and behaviour."},{"text":"Schools reward their wealth, property, savings and investments.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are forms of economic capital, which can purchase educational advantages but are not directly rewarded as cultural competence. Cultural capital consists of valued knowledge, language, tastes and behaviours."},{"text":"Schools reward their networks, contacts, friendships and group memberships.","correct":false,"explanation":"Networks and useful relationships are forms of social capital rather than cultural capital. Schools advantage middle-class pupils by valuing their knowledge, language, tastes and behaviours."},{"text":"Schools reward their strength, fitness, health and sporting ability.","correct":false,"explanation":"Physical attributes and sporting ability do not explain the general educational advantage associated with cultural capital. Schools primarily reward middle-class knowledge, language, tastes and behaviours."}]},{"id":"3f06a261-25ad-46c4-8d57-a106bfc7f206","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do modernisation theorists see education supporting development?","back":"It creates skilled workers, modern values and economic growth.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It creates skilled workers, modern values and economic growth.","correct":true,"explanation":"Modernisation theorists argue that education develops the skills and achievement-oriented values needed for industrialisation, increasing productivity and promoting sustained economic growth."},{"text":"It creates unskilled workers, traditional values and subsistence farming.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses modernisation theory, which associates traditional values and subsistence production with underdevelopment. Education is expected to create skilled workers, modern values and economic growth."},{"text":"It creates obedient consumers, religious values and population growth.","correct":false,"explanation":"Modernisation theory does not chiefly present education as producing consumers or population growth. It stresses skilled workers, modern values and economic growth as foundations of development."},{"text":"It creates political leaders, rural values and economic dependence.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic dependence is associated more closely with dependency theory than modernisation theory. Modernisation theorists argue that education produces skilled workers, modern values and economic growth."}]},{"id":"83102ae8-fc48-406f-af0d-a1785dcc1b37","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can education reproduce inequality in dependency or Marxist views?","back":"It trains workers for low-paid roles in the global economy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It trains workers for low-paid roles in the global economy.","correct":true,"explanation":"Dependency and Marxist approaches argue that education prepares subordinate populations for low-paid work, helping global capitalism reproduce class inequality and exploit peripheral economies."},{"text":"It trains workers for high-paid roles in the global economy.","correct":false,"explanation":"This mistakes unequal labour allocation for upward mobility. Dependency and Marxist views argue that education commonly channels workers into low-paid roles serving the global economy."},{"text":"It trains workers for equal-status roles in the global economy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marxist and dependency perspectives reject the idea that education distributes equal-status positions. They argue that it reproduces inequality by preparing workers for low-paid global roles."},{"text":"It trains workers for independent roles in the global economy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Independence conflicts with the dependency argument that poorer societies occupy subordinate positions. Education reproduces inequality by training workers for low-paid roles in the global economy."}]},{"id":"147cff39-6d6d-4cb7-921f-98d0c3d9af5b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] is registered, taxed and regulated; the [ ] is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","back":"The formal economy is registered, taxed and regulated; the informal economy is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The formal economy is registered, taxed and regulated; the informal economy is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","correct":true,"explanation":"Formal economic activity is officially recorded and subject to taxation and regulation, whereas informal activity often operates without registration, legal protection or official records."},{"text":"The informal economy is registered, taxed and regulated; the formal economy is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","correct":false,"explanation":"The two concepts have been reversed. The formal economy is registered, taxed and regulated, while the informal economy includes casual, unprotected or unrecorded activity."},{"text":"The public economy is registered, taxed and regulated; the private economy is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","correct":false,"explanation":"Public and private describe ownership, not whether activity is officially recorded. The correct contrast is between the regulated formal economy and the unrecorded informal economy."},{"text":"The formal economy is registered, taxed and regulated; the criminal economy is casual, unprotected or unrecorded.","correct":false,"explanation":"Informal work is not necessarily criminal; it may simply be unregistered or lack employment protection. The correct second term is informal economy, contrasted with formal economy."}]},{"id":"04601fe7-744d-4bfc-96dc-5c919a60cc53","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Who are the precariat, according to Guy Standing?","back":"Workers facing insecurity, unstable income and weak rights.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Workers facing insecurity, unstable income and weak rights.","correct":true,"explanation":"Standing’s precariat consists of workers whose employment and income are unpredictable and who lack the occupational identities, protections and rights associated with secure employment."},{"text":"Workers enjoying security, stable income and strong rights.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes the protected position that the precariat lacks. Standing defines the precariat through insecurity, unstable income and weak employment or social rights."},{"text":"Workers holding authority, high income and legal power.","correct":false,"explanation":"This resembles an economically powerful occupational group rather than the precariat. The precariat experiences insecure work, unstable income and weak rights instead of authority and protection."},{"text":"Workers receiving pensions, fixed income and full rights.","correct":false,"explanation":"A fixed pension and established rights imply relative security, not precariousness. Standing’s precariat is characterised by insecurity, unstable income and weak rights."}]},{"id":"f01e28ff-18fc-4d93-9c1d-719e5f6e16e1","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do feminists say employment inequality is gendered?","back":"Women are often concentrated in lower-paid care, service or informal work.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Women are often concentrated in lower-paid care, service or informal work.","correct":true,"explanation":"Feminists identify horizontal and vertical occupational segregation: women are disproportionately channelled into undervalued care, service and informal work, contributing to lower pay and insecurity."},{"text":"Women are often concentrated in higher-paid finance, management or technical work.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the feminist pattern of occupational segregation. Women are often underrepresented in elite sectors and concentrated in lower-paid care, service or informal work."},{"text":"Women are often concentrated in equal-paid care, service or professional work.","correct":false,"explanation":"The claim of equal pay overlooks the gender pay gap and the undervaluation of feminised occupations. Feminists emphasise women’s concentration in lower-paid care, service or informal work."},{"text":"Women are often concentrated in secure-paid military, industrial or executive work.","correct":false,"explanation":"These male-dominated or senior sectors do not represent the pattern feminists highlight. Women are more commonly concentrated in lower-paid care, service or informal work."}]},{"id":"ddf76040-f4d7-4b7f-8577-1239ad30193e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to [ ], a system of [ ] across institutions.","back":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to patriarchy, a system of male power across institutions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to patriarchy, a system of male power across institutions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Walby defines patriarchy as a system of social structures and practices through which men dominate, oppress and exploit women across institutions such as work and the state."},{"text":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to matriarchy, a system of female power across institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Walby’s argument by presenting women as the dominant group. She links women’s disadvantage to patriarchy, understood as male power operating across institutions."},{"text":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to capitalism, a system of class power across institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Class power is central to Marxist analysis, but Walby’s specific concept is patriarchy. She uses it to describe a system of male power across institutions."},{"text":"Walby links women’s disadvantage to patriarchy, a system of worker power across institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Patriarchy refers specifically to structured male dominance, not worker power. Walby links women’s disadvantage to patriarchy as a system of male power across institutions."}]},{"id":"c3d0417f-927b-42ef-a89b-1383a1c38fed","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In Wallerstein’s world-systems theory, what do core countries tend to control?","back":"Finance, technology and high-profit industries.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Finance, technology and high-profit industries.","correct":true,"explanation":"Core countries dominate advanced production and global decision-making, controlling finance, technology and high-profit industries while capturing a disproportionate share of global wealth."},{"text":"Cheap labour, farmland and raw materials.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes resources commonly supplied by peripheral countries, not controlled by core countries. Core countries tend to control finance, technology and high-profit industries."},{"text":"Subsistence farming, minerals and low-paid industries.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are associated with peripheral production and low-value economic activity. In Wallerstein’s theory, core countries control finance, technology and high-profit industries."},{"text":"Informal work, local trade and basic agriculture.","correct":false,"explanation":"These activities do not represent the high-value sectors through which core countries exercise global power. Core countries control finance, technology and high-profit industries."}]},{"id":"48eb76b1-2739-4de6-a1f2-69b1cf4e214b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In Wallerstein’s world-systems theory, what do peripheral countries tend to supply?","back":"Cheap labour and raw materials.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Cheap labour and raw materials.","correct":true,"explanation":"Peripheral countries occupy a dependent position in the world economy, supplying inexpensive labour and raw materials that core countries use for more profitable production."},{"text":"Advanced technology and financial services.","correct":false,"explanation":"Advanced technology and finance are concentrated mainly in core countries. Peripheral countries typically supply cheap labour and raw materials within the unequal world economy."},{"text":"High-profit goods and corporate control.","correct":false,"explanation":"High-profit production and corporate control characterise core countries rather than peripheral ones. Peripheral countries tend to provide cheap labour and raw materials."},{"text":"Skilled managers and luxury services.","correct":false,"explanation":"This incorrectly assigns high-status labour and services to the periphery. Wallerstein argues that peripheral countries primarily supply cheap labour and raw materials."}]},{"id":"885e5e1d-520c-4bca-834b-2ea4b47ddbee","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is Weber’s view useful for explaining inequality beyond income?","back":"It includes class, status and party.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It includes class, status and party.","correct":true,"explanation":"Weber presents inequality as multidimensional: class concerns economic position, status concerns social prestige, and party concerns access to political power and influence."},{"text":"It reduces inequality to income and property alone.","correct":false,"explanation":"Reducing inequality to economic resources resembles a narrow class-based approach. Weber goes beyond income by including class, social status and access to power through party."},{"text":"It explains inequality through individual talent and effort.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects a meritocratic explanation that attributes outcomes to personal qualities. Weber instead examines class, status and party as distinct dimensions of social inequality."},{"text":"It regards social divisions as temporary and insignificant.","correct":false,"explanation":"Weber does not dismiss social divisions as unimportant. His approach explains persistent inequality through the combined effects of class, status and political power."}]},{"id":"53569042-4b9e-4f74-b278-2a8652fb6346","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Frank’s dependency theory explain continued poverty?","back":"Richer countries and corporations extract resources, labour and profit.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Richer countries and corporations extract resources, labour and profit.","correct":true,"explanation":"Frank argues that poorer countries remain dependent because wealth flows from them to richer countries and multinational corporations through exploitation of resources, labour and profits."},{"text":"Poorer countries retain wealth by restricting trade and foreign investment.","correct":false,"explanation":"Dependency theory argues that wealth is transferred out of poorer countries, not retained within them. Rich countries and corporations extract resources, labour and profit."},{"text":"Traditional cultures prevent societies from adopting Western values and technology.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses dependency theory with modernisation theory, which blames traditional values. Frank instead attributes continued poverty to exploitation by richer countries and corporations."},{"text":"Population growth naturally causes countries to consume resources faster than production.","correct":false,"explanation":"This is a Malthusian explanation based on population pressure, not Frank’s dependency theory. Frank emphasises the extraction of resources, labour and profit by richer economies."}]},{"id":"c65165b9-cdb4-4f39-953c-7c5438d6248c","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What is one limitation of dependency or Marxist explanations?","back":"They can underplay internal factors such as corruption or conflict.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They can underplay internal factors such as corruption or conflict.","correct":true,"explanation":"Dependency and Marxist approaches emphasise external exploitation and capitalist structures, so they may give insufficient attention to domestic corruption, conflict and ineffective government."},{"text":"They can ignore exploitation by richer countries such as unequal trade or debt.","correct":false,"explanation":"External exploitation is central to dependency and Marxist explanations, so it is not usually ignored. Their limitation is that they may underplay internal factors such as corruption or conflict."},{"text":"They can overstate the benefits of colonialism such as investment or infrastructure.","correct":false,"explanation":"Dependency and Marxist theories generally emphasise colonial exploitation rather than exaggerating colonial benefits. A recognised limitation is their tendency to underplay corruption, conflict and other internal factors."},{"text":"They can blame traditional values for preventing development and economic growth.","correct":false,"explanation":"Blaming traditional values is associated with modernisation theory, not dependency or Marxist approaches. These approaches may instead be criticised for underplaying internal corruption or conflict."}]},{"id":"b01200f0-5ad7-4b35-9b4f-5d67d660ae9d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is modernisation theory criticised as ethnocentric?","back":"It treats Western development as the model for everyone.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It treats Western development as the model for everyone.","correct":true,"explanation":"Modernisation theory assumes that societies should follow the path taken by Western industrial countries, treating Western institutions and values as universally desirable."},{"text":"It treats indigenous development as the model for Western societies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Modernisation theory does not present indigenous development as a model for the West. It is ethnocentric because it treats Western development as the universal standard."},{"text":"It regards every development path as equally valid and successful.","correct":false,"explanation":"Recognising multiple equally valid paths would challenge ethnocentrism. Modernisation theory is criticised because it privileges Western development as the model that all societies should follow."},{"text":"It rejects Western institutions as unsuitable for developing societies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Modernisation theory typically promotes Western institutions, technology and values rather than rejecting them. This assumption that Western development is universally appropriate makes the theory ethnocentric."}]},{"id":"b0ac0948-3590-4385-ae40-d40070cbb6ee","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does intersectionality show about inequalities?","back":"Inequalities overlap, creating different barriers for different groups.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Inequalities overlap, creating different barriers for different groups.","correct":true,"explanation":"Intersectionality shows that characteristics such as class, gender and ethnicity interact, producing distinctive combinations of advantage and disadvantage rather than one uniform experience."},{"text":"Inequalities operate separately, creating identical barriers for different groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Intersectionality rejects the idea that inequalities act independently or affect everyone identically. It shows that overlapping social positions create different barriers for different groups."},{"text":"Inequalities cancel out, removing barriers for disadvantaged social groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Overlapping disadvantages do not automatically cancel one another. Intersectionality explains how interacting inequalities can create particular and sometimes intensified barriers for different groups."},{"text":"Inequalities affect everyone equally, producing the same outcomes for all groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Intersectionality highlights variation rather than equal effects. Class, gender, ethnicity and other inequalities overlap, creating different experiences and barriers for differently positioned groups."}]},{"id":"20530dae-934d-48a8-b97b-35203f58c858","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for [ ], while interpretivists say they can miss [ ].","back":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for reliability, while interpretivists say they can miss lived experience and meaning.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for reliability, while interpretivists say they can miss lived experience and meaning.","correct":true,"explanation":"Positivists value consistent, replicable statistics because they improve reliability. Interpretivists argue that numerical patterns often fail to reveal how people understand and experience their situations."},{"text":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for subjectivity, while interpretivists say they can miss lived experience and meaning.","correct":false,"explanation":"Positivists seek objectivity rather than subjectivity from quantitative evidence. They value large-scale statistics for reliability, while interpretivists criticise their limited insight into lived experience and meaning."},{"text":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for reliability, while interpretivists say they can miss large representative samples.","correct":false,"explanation":"Large-scale statistics are often specifically useful for producing representative samples, so this is not the interpretivist criticism. Interpretivists argue that statistics can miss lived experience and meaning."},{"text":"Positivists value large-scale statistics for personal empathy, while interpretivists say they can miss patterns and trends.","correct":false,"explanation":"Personal empathy is associated more closely with qualitative research, while statistics are effective at identifying patterns and trends. Positivists value their reliability, but interpretivists question their depth."}]},{"id":"17c4a8ad-c5b9-4ec6-ad58-bf54e4002d0e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can international inequality statistics need caution?","back":"Definitions of poverty, unemployment, disability or literacy vary between countries.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Definitions of poverty, unemployment, disability or literacy vary between countries.","correct":true,"explanation":"Countries may use different thresholds, criteria and measurement procedures for these categories, reducing comparability and making apparent international differences potentially misleading."},{"text":"Definitions of poverty, unemployment, disability or literacy are identical in every country.","correct":false,"explanation":"National governments use different thresholds and criteria for these categories rather than identical definitions. International comparisons therefore require caution because figures may measure different things."},{"text":"Definitions of poverty, unemployment, disability or literacy never change within countries.","correct":false,"explanation":"Definitions and measurement practices can change over time as policies and standards develop. International statistics need caution because definitions also vary between countries."},{"text":"Definitions of poverty, unemployment, disability or literacy have no effect on statistics.","correct":false,"explanation":"Definitions determine who is counted in each category, so they directly affect reported rates. Cross-national comparisons require caution because countries may define these concepts differently."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Patterns of inequality","title":"Patterns of inequality Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"47527455-f198-51c3-9591-3b967cad7023","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]