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death.","correct":true,"explanation":"Health is socially patterned because the chances of becoming ill, recovering from illness and dying prematurely vary between social groups rather than being distributed randomly."},{"text":"Chances of healthcare, treatment and old age.","correct":false,"explanation":"This focuses on services and ageing rather than health outcomes. The correct answer is chances of illness, recovery and early death, which are the outcomes distributed unevenly between groups."},{"text":"Chances of diagnosis, prevention and retirement.","correct":false,"explanation":"Diagnosis, prevention and retirement are not the three outcomes used to describe unequal health chances. The pattern concerns illness, recovery and early death across social groups."},{"text":"Chances of employment, fitness and hospital admission.","correct":false,"explanation":"These factors or experiences may influence health but do not define the unequal distribution being described. The relevant variations are illness, recovery and early death."}]},{"id":"4f094f76-16e7-4637-9670-a2423320c6b5","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] means rates of illness; [ ] means rates of death.","back":"Morbidity means rates of illness; mortality means rates of death.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Morbidity means rates of illness; mortality means rates of death.","correct":true,"explanation":"Morbidity refers to the rate or prevalence of illness in a population, whereas mortality refers to the rate of death. These terms distinguish illness from fatal outcomes."},{"text":"Mortality means rates of illness; morbidity means rates of death.","correct":false,"explanation":"The terms have been reversed: mortality concerns deaths, while morbidity concerns illness. The correct sentence uses morbidity for rates of illness and mortality for rates of death."},{"text":"Morbidity means rates of illness; fatality means rates of death.","correct":false,"explanation":"Morbidity is correctly linked to illness, but the required population measure of death is mortality. Fatality usually describes the proportion of cases that result in death, not overall death rates."},{"text":"Incidence means rates of illness; mortality means rates of death.","correct":false,"explanation":"Mortality correctly refers to death rates, but the paired term in this distinction is morbidity, meaning illness rates. Incidence usually refers to new cases occurring over a period."}]},{"id":"a9e3a802-c6c3-4b44-b605-25e1e52acde4","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the [ ] or [ ] hierarchy.","back":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the class or income hierarchy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the class or income hierarchy.","correct":true,"explanation":"The social gradient describes a stepwise relationship: health generally improves as people move higher in the class or income hierarchy, rather than only differing between the richest and poorest."},{"text":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the age or gender hierarchy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Age and gender are important influences on health but are not the hierarchies specified by the social gradient concept. The correct hierarchies are class and income."},{"text":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the religious or ethnic hierarchy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Religion and ethnicity can shape health experiences, but the social gradient refers specifically to successive positions in class or income hierarchies."},{"text":"The social gradient in health means health improves at each step up the regional or political hierarchy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Regional and political rankings are not the standard basis of the social gradient in health. The concept identifies improving health at each step up the class or income hierarchy."}]},{"id":"1963fb76-370c-4b0f-ac25-08c313f632d4","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What did Black, Acheson and Marmot all find about poorer groups?","back":"Poorer groups experience worse health overall.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Poorer groups experience worse health overall.","correct":true,"explanation":"Black, Acheson and Marmot each found evidence of a broad social class or income gradient, with poorer groups experiencing worse health overall than more advantaged groups."},{"text":"Poorer groups experience better health overall.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the consistent finding of the studies. Black, Acheson and Marmot found that poorer groups experience worse health overall, not better health."},{"text":"Poorer groups experience similar health overall.","correct":false,"explanation":"This suggests no meaningful health inequality, contradicting the evidence from all three investigations. Their shared finding was that poorer groups experience worse health overall."},{"text":"Poorer groups experience worse healthcare overall.","correct":false,"explanation":"Access to healthcare may contribute to inequality, but it is not the stated overall finding. The researchers found that poorer groups experience worse health overall."}]},{"id":"23a117b8-5b35-48ef-8b2e-f2688ab12fc8","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"If a health gap is partly an artefact, what has shaped the apparent pattern?","back":"How official statistics are collected, classified and interpreted.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"How official statistics are collected, classified and interpreted.","correct":true,"explanation":"A health gap may be partly artefactual because the apparent pattern can be shaped by decisions about how official statistics are collected, classified and interpreted."},{"text":"How medical treatments are developed, prescribed and administered.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treatment practices may affect health outcomes but do not define an artefact in official statistics. The relevant influence is how data are collected, classified and interpreted."},{"text":"How patients are diagnosed, treated and discharged.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are stages of healthcare provision, not the statistical processes that can create an apparent pattern. The correct answer concerns collecting, classifying and interpreting official data."},{"text":"How hospitals are funded, staffed and managed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hospital organisation can influence care, but it is not what makes a statistical health gap partly artefactual. That explanation focuses on data collection, classification and interpretation."}]},{"id":"41344092-a262-47ce-8a11-01e572d24ff0","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can occupation-based class categories distort health data?","back":"They miss people outside stable paid work.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They miss people outside stable paid work.","correct":true,"explanation":"Occupation-based class schemes can distort health data because they often classify people through jobs and overlook those outside stable paid employment, including unemployed or economically inactive people."},{"text":"They miss people outside temporary unpaid work.","correct":false,"explanation":"The problem is not specifically that people in temporary unpaid work are missed. Occupation categories mainly fail to represent people outside stable paid work altogether."},{"text":"They miss people outside high-status paid work.","correct":false,"explanation":"Occupation-based schemes include people in both high- and low-status jobs. Their limitation is that they miss people who are not in stable paid work."},{"text":"They miss people outside regular full-time study.","correct":false,"explanation":"Students are not the general boundary that creates this problem. Occupation-based categories distort data by excluding people outside stable paid work, such as the unemployed."}]},{"id":"23055296-ce21-4bca-9b2a-7248d2824d11","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are [ ]. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for [ ] and scale.","back":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are socially produced. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for reliability and scale.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are socially produced. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for reliability and scale.","correct":true,"explanation":"Statistics are socially produced through choices about definitions and measurement, but positivists value official ONS and NHS data because they are considered reliable and cover large populations."},{"text":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are biologically determined. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for validity and scale.","correct":false,"explanation":"Biological determination contradicts the point that statistics are shaped by social decisions, and validity is not the key positivist advantage identified here. The correct terms are socially produced and reliability."},{"text":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are randomly generated. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for objectivity and scale.","correct":false,"explanation":"Official statistics are not random, and objectivity alone is not the stated reason positivists value them. They are socially produced, while positivists emphasise their reliability and large scale."},{"text":"Official health statistics are not “pure facts”; they are privately collected. Positivists value ONS/NHS data for representativeness and scale.","correct":false,"explanation":"ONS and NHS statistics are official rather than privately collected, and representativeness is not the specific term required here. The intended contrast is socially produced data valued for reliability and scale."}]},{"id":"db21ac39-5d64-4dad-894c-bd9147f2543b","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What evidence makes artefact a partial, not full, explanation?","back":"Inequalities appear across many health measures.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Inequalities appear across many health measures.","correct":true,"explanation":"If inequalities appear across many different health measures, the pattern cannot easily be explained only by how one statistic was collected or classified, so artefact is only a partial explanation."},{"text":"Inequalities appear across one health measure.","correct":false,"explanation":"A finding limited to one measure could plausibly result from that measure's construction. Evidence across many health measures supports the conclusion that artefact cannot fully explain the gap."},{"text":"Inequalities appear across many social policies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Different policies may influence health, but this is not the evidence used to challenge an artefact explanation. The relevant evidence is inequality across many health measures."},{"text":"Inequalities appear across one social group.","correct":false,"explanation":"Evidence involving only one social group would not demonstrate a broad pattern across health indicators. Inequalities across many health measures show that artefact is not a complete explanation."}]},{"id":"4859ca51-79d5-400d-89a3-86ee9c0666f3","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Artefact issues may affect the [ ] of inequalities, but rarely make the [ ] disappear.","back":"Artefact issues may affect the size of inequalities, but rarely make the pattern disappear.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Artefact issues may affect the size of inequalities, but rarely make the pattern disappear.","correct":true,"explanation":"Differences in definitions, diagnosis and data collection can alter the measured size of inequalities. However, the repeated pattern of unequal health outcomes usually remains visible."},{"text":"Artefact issues may affect the cause of inequalities, but rarely make the pattern disappear.","correct":false,"explanation":"Measurement problems can change the apparent size of inequality, not its underlying cause. They may distort statistics, but the broad pattern generally remains."},{"text":"Artefact issues may affect the size of inequalities, but rarely make the cause disappear.","correct":false,"explanation":"The second term confuses an observed pattern with a causal explanation. Artefact issues may alter the measured size, but rarely make the pattern of inequality disappear."},{"text":"Artefact issues may affect the origin of inequalities, but rarely make the measurement disappear.","correct":false,"explanation":"Artefact explanations concern how inequality is recorded and measured, rather than changing its origin. They can affect its apparent size, while the overall pattern remains."}]},{"id":"10107d54-74ca-4937-80e2-5deb8385bdb5","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In self-selection, what happens to the usual poverty-causes-illness direction?","back":"It is partly reversed: illness can cause poverty.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It is partly reversed: illness can cause poverty.","correct":true,"explanation":"Self-selection suggests that poor health can reduce employment and income, moving people down the social hierarchy. Causation therefore operates partly from illness to poverty."},{"text":"It remains entirely one-way: poverty alone causes illness.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes social causation without self-selection. Self-selection partly reverses the usual direction because illness can limit work and income, thereby contributing to poverty."},{"text":"It is partly reinforced: illness reduces poverty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Illness generally creates financial disadvantages rather than reducing poverty. Self-selection partly reverses the usual direction because illness can cause unemployment, lower earnings and poverty."},{"text":"It becomes entirely random: poverty and illness are unrelated.","correct":false,"explanation":"Self-selection proposes a causal relationship, not randomness. Illness may reduce a person’s employment and income, so the usual poverty-causes-illness direction is partly reversed."}]},{"id":"e2eaf702-9760-49ba-a48a-591bc576beee","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can a long-term condition push someone down the social hierarchy?","back":"It can reduce work, education and income.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It can reduce work, education and income.","correct":true,"explanation":"A long-term condition can interrupt education, restrict employment and reduce earnings. These connected disadvantages can move an individual down the social and economic hierarchy."},{"text":"It can increase work, education and income.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the expected consequences of chronic illness. A long-term condition may restrict work and education, leading to lower income and downward social mobility."},{"text":"It can reduce age, ethnicity and gender.","correct":false,"explanation":"Age, ethnicity and gender are demographic characteristics, not resources that illness normally reduces. Downward mobility occurs when illness limits work, education and income."},{"text":"It can increase status, authority and wealth.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes upward rather than downward movement through the hierarchy. Long-term illness can instead restrict work and education, reducing income and social position."}]},{"id":"bbbf4505-02bf-4d3c-83b2-90ac82ef7ecd","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is self-selection weak as a general explanation?","back":"Many inequalities appear early in life, before adult occupation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Many inequalities appear early in life, before adult occupation.","correct":true,"explanation":"Health inequalities are already visible in childhood, before individuals enter adult occupations. Adult downward mobility through illness therefore cannot explain the general pattern by itself."},{"text":"Many inequalities appear only in later life, after retirement.","correct":false,"explanation":"Health inequalities can be observed from childhood, not only after retirement. Their early appearance weakens self-selection because adult illness-driven occupational mobility has not yet occurred."},{"text":"Many inequalities appear during adult life, after choosing an occupation.","correct":false,"explanation":"This would support self-selection more strongly, but inequalities often appear before adult occupational choices. Their childhood origins suggest that wider social causes are involved."},{"text":"Many inequalities appear between occupations, regardless of childhood.","correct":false,"explanation":"Focusing only on occupational differences overlooks inequalities already present in childhood. Because these precede adult occupation, self-selection is weak as a general explanation."}]},{"id":"b3f8bb70-c954-42c0-9a65-5918f62ed1ea","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In cultural explanations, what directly links group lifestyles to illness risk?","back":"Socially patterned health behaviours.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Socially patterned health behaviours.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cultural explanations focus on group differences in behaviours such as smoking, diet, alcohol consumption and exercise, which produce differing levels of illness risk."},{"text":"Socially patterned genetic characteristics.","correct":false,"explanation":"Genetic characteristics belong to biological explanations rather than cultural ones. Cultural approaches directly connect health inequality to socially patterned behaviours such as smoking, diet and exercise."},{"text":"Socially patterned healthcare provision.","correct":false,"explanation":"Unequal healthcare provision concerns access to services and institutional resources, not the central cultural mechanism. Cultural explanations emphasise socially patterned health behaviours."},{"text":"Socially patterned income differences.","correct":false,"explanation":"Income differences are central to material explanations because they affect living conditions and resources. Cultural explanations instead identify socially patterned health behaviours as the direct link."}]},{"id":"498718c2-2ca4-44ee-bd18-705dfe99aea8","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Bourdieu’s [ ] means tastes and habits are shaped by [ ].","back":"Bourdieu’s habitus means tastes and habits are shaped by social background.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Bourdieu’s habitus means tastes and habits are shaped by social background.","correct":true,"explanation":"Habitus refers to deeply learned dispositions developed through social experience. It explains how class and social background shape people’s tastes, habits and everyday practices."},{"text":"Bourdieu’s cultural capital means tastes and habits are shaped by social background.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural capital means valued knowledge, tastes and skills that can provide social advantages. The concept describing dispositions shaped by social background is habitus."},{"text":"Bourdieu’s habitus means tastes and habits are shaped by biological inheritance.","correct":false,"explanation":"Habitus is socially learned rather than biologically inherited. Bourdieu uses it to explain how social background produces durable tastes, habits and ways of acting."},{"text":"Bourdieu’s social capital means tastes and habits are shaped by peer pressure.","correct":false,"explanation":"Social capital concerns useful networks and relationships, while peer pressure is too narrow. Habitus describes how broader social background shapes enduring tastes and habits."}]},{"id":"d3c09fa3-88b5-4205-a409-8918713f8106","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Graham show about women and smoking?","back":"Smoking can be a coping strategy under poverty and stress.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Smoking can be a coping strategy under poverty and stress.","correct":true,"explanation":"Graham found that disadvantaged women may use smoking to manage stress and the pressures of poverty. Their behaviour therefore reflects constrained circumstances, not simply free choice."},{"text":"Smoking can be a status symbol among affluent groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"This misses Graham’s focus on disadvantaged women and material hardship. She showed that smoking can function as a coping strategy under conditions of poverty and stress."},{"text":"Smoking can be a genetic response independent of hardship.","correct":false,"explanation":"This substitutes biological determinism for Graham’s social explanation. Her research linked women’s smoking to coping with the stress and pressures created by poverty."},{"text":"Smoking can be a free lifestyle choice unrelated to deprivation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating smoking as an unrestricted choice ignores the constraints surrounding disadvantaged women. Graham showed that it may be used to cope with poverty and stress."}]},{"id":"41980439-ebf8-4f3d-a9a5-df78197eee87","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"If a sociologist uses a material explanation, where is the main cause of health inequality?","back":"Unequal living conditions and resources.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Unequal living conditions and resources.","correct":true,"explanation":"Material explanations locate health inequality in unequal income, housing, working environments and access to resources. These conditions expose social groups to different health risks."},{"text":"Unequal health behaviours and choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Health behaviours and choices are emphasised by cultural explanations. Material explanations instead identify unequal living conditions and resources as the main causes of health inequality."},{"text":"Unequal genes and biological traits.","correct":false,"explanation":"Genes and biological traits belong to biological explanations of health differences. Material approaches focus on unequal housing, income, working conditions and other resources."},{"text":"Unequal definitions and measurement methods.","correct":false,"explanation":"Definitions and measurement methods are central to artefact explanations, which question recorded statistics. Material explanations locate inequality in unequal living conditions and resources."}]},{"id":"2892abf2-0015-421f-b17e-00f8bbfcd4d8","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, [ ], live, [ ] and age.","back":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marmot identifies the social conditions experienced across the life course, including how people grow and the circumstances in which they work."},{"text":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, study, live, retire and age.","correct":false,"explanation":"Studying and retiring are particular activities rather than Marmot’s broad life-course conditions. The definition refers to the conditions in which people grow and work."},{"text":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, learn, live, rest and age.","correct":false,"explanation":"Learning and resting may affect wellbeing, but they are not the terms used in Marmot’s definition. The social determinants cover where people grow and work."},{"text":"Marmot’s social determinants of health are the conditions in which people are born, develop, live, play and age.","correct":false,"explanation":"Develop is a tempting synonym for grow, but the established wording is grow, live, work and age. Playing also wrongly replaces the structural condition of work."}]},{"id":"8b4192c7-c95a-43d3-9410-ea8fa4c18f15","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do Marxist approaches interpret health inequalities?","back":"Capitalism distributes health risks and resources unequally.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Capitalism distributes health risks and resources unequally.","correct":true,"explanation":"Marxists argue that class relations under capitalism expose disadvantaged groups to greater hazards while giving wealthier groups better access to protective resources and healthcare."},{"text":"Capitalism distributes health risks and resources equally.","correct":false,"explanation":"Equal distribution contradicts the Marxist focus on class inequality. Marxists argue that capitalism distributes risks and health-protecting resources unequally between social classes."},{"text":"Capitalism makes health depend mainly on lifestyle choices.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating health chiefly as an outcome of personal choice reflects an individualistic cultural explanation. Marxists instead emphasise capitalism’s unequal distribution of risks and resources."},{"text":"Capitalism allocates health risks randomly across society.","correct":false,"explanation":"Marxists do not view health inequalities as random because they follow class divisions. Capitalism systematically distributes health risks and protective resources unequally."}]},{"id":"4dd3c16e-4b0b-4247-98bc-daa8f216fa29","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"According to Tudor Hart, where is good medical care least available?","back":"Where need is greatest.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Where need is greatest.","correct":true,"explanation":"Tudor Hart’s inverse care law states that the availability of good medical care tends to vary inversely with the population’s need for it."},{"text":"Where need is lowest.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Tudor Hart’s inverse care law. Good medical care is least available where need is greatest, not where relatively healthy populations need it least."},{"text":"Where wealth is greatest.","correct":false,"explanation":"Affluent communities generally possess more resources and better access to services. Tudor Hart argued that good care is least available where need is greatest."},{"text":"Where provision is greatest.","correct":false,"explanation":"High provision does not identify the groups disadvantaged by the inverse care law. Tudor Hart located the poorest availability where medical need is greatest."}]},{"id":"c2dce793-ebf4-4a3b-b547-03fec430ab03","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do access/provision explanations work best alongside material and cultural ones?","back":"They mainly explain outcomes after illness begins.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They mainly explain outcomes after illness begins.","correct":true,"explanation":"Access and provision explanations focus mainly on obtaining and receiving healthcare once someone is ill, so material and cultural explanations are needed to explain why illness develops."},{"text":"They mainly explain outcomes before illness begins.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the explanation’s main focus. Healthcare access and provision mostly shape diagnosis and treatment after illness begins rather than the initial social causes of illness."},{"text":"They mainly explain outcomes after treatment has ended.","correct":false,"explanation":"Access and provision affect outcomes during illness and treatment, not merely once treatment is over. Their principal explanatory role therefore applies after illness begins."},{"text":"They mainly explain outcomes when lifestyles are formed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Lifestyle formation is primarily addressed by cultural explanations rather than healthcare provision. Access explanations mainly account for outcomes after illness has already begun."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Explanations for patterns and trends in health and illness","title":"Explanations for patterns and trends in health and illness Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L39"}]}],"topicId":"29fad71d-460f-5a09-a52e-4cd9790053a5","walled":"$L3a"}],"$L3b","$L3c"]