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policy","correct":true,"explanation":"Social policy describes laws, regulations, government decisions and public actions designed to address issues within society, including those involving media organisations and audiences."},{"text":"media ownership","correct":false,"explanation":"Media ownership concerns who controls media organisations, rather than government action addressing media issues. The correct term is social policy because it includes laws, regulations and public decisions."},{"text":"moral panic","correct":false,"explanation":"A moral panic is an exaggerated public reaction to a perceived social threat. The correct term is social policy, which covers government measures used to address media issues."},{"text":"media convergence","correct":false,"explanation":"Media convergence is the merging of technologies, platforms or media industries. The correct term is social policy because the definition concerns laws, regulations and government actions."}]},{"id":"285bc362-c46c-4676-86aa-37c6b2d10eae","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What central tension does media policy have to balance?","back":"Protection from harm versus freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Protection from harm versus freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity.","correct":true,"explanation":"Media policy must protect audiences from harmful content while avoiding unnecessary restrictions on civil liberties, democratic communication, personal privacy and the representation of diverse cultures."},{"text":"Commercial profitability versus freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Profitability may influence media companies, but it is not the central policy tension described here. Media policy primarily balances protection from harm against freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity."},{"text":"Technological innovation versus freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Technological change creates regulatory challenges, but it is not the opposing principle in this balance. The central tension is protection from harm versus important rights and democratic values."},{"text":"Audience popularity versus freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Popularity affects programming decisions but does not define the main policy dilemma. Regulators must balance protection from harm with freedom, privacy, democracy and cultural diversity."}]},{"id":"e0492d8f-dc2a-4a3f-9e8a-6737737830c5","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which regulator enforces the Ofcom Broadcasting Code?","back":"Ofcom - the Office of Communications.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Ofcom - the Office of Communications.","correct":true,"explanation":"Ofcom is the UK communications regulator responsible for enforcing the Broadcasting Code, including rules concerning harmful material, impartiality, accuracy, privacy and protection of under-18s."},{"text":"BBFC - the British Board of Film Classification.","correct":false,"explanation":"The BBFC classifies films and some video content rather than enforcing the Broadcasting Code. Ofcom, the Office of Communications, regulates television and radio broadcasting under that code."},{"text":"IPSO - the Independent Press Standards Organisation.","correct":false,"explanation":"IPSO handles complaints about participating newspapers and magazines under the Editors’ Code. Ofcom is the regulator that enforces the separate Broadcasting Code for television and radio."},{"text":"ASA - the Advertising Standards Authority.","correct":false,"explanation":"The ASA applies advertising rules across media but does not enforce the Broadcasting Code as a whole. That responsibility belongs to Ofcom, the Office of Communications."}]},{"id":"e8dbbeeb-16fa-46ce-b0ed-b0c88d82bc9d","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The watershed is the period after [ ], when child-unsuitable material is more likely on TV.","back":"The watershed is the period after 9 pm, when child-unsuitable material is more likely on TV.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"9 pm","correct":true,"explanation":"The UK television watershed begins at 9 pm. Material unsuitable for children may be shown after this point, although broadcasters must introduce stronger content gradually."},{"text":"8 pm","correct":false,"explanation":"Choosing 8 pm places the watershed one hour too early. The UK television watershed begins at 9 pm, after which child-unsuitable material becomes more likely."},{"text":"10 pm","correct":false,"explanation":"Choosing 10 pm places the watershed one hour too late. The recognised UK television watershed begins at 9 pm, although restrictions do not disappear immediately."},{"text":"9 am","correct":false,"explanation":"Confusing am with pm moves the watershed to the morning, when children may be watching. The correct starting time for the UK television watershed is 9 pm."}]},{"id":"91c3a59a-a0a1-4cde-b77e-42cf39b01463","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What makes public service broadcasting different from profit-only broadcasting?","back":"It serves the public interest, not just profit.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It serves the public interest, not just profit.","correct":true,"explanation":"Public service broadcasting has obligations to benefit society through content such as trustworthy news, education and diverse programming, rather than being guided solely by commercial returns."},{"text":"It serves the largest audience, not just profit.","correct":false,"explanation":"Attracting large audiences can matter to broadcasters, but it does not define public service broadcasting. PSB serves the public interest through socially valuable and diverse content."},{"text":"It serves the advertising market, not just profit.","correct":false,"explanation":"Serving advertisers is a commercial objective and therefore cannot distinguish PSB from profit-led broadcasting. Public service broadcasting is defined by serving the public interest."},{"text":"It serves the shareholder interest, not just profit.","correct":false,"explanation":"Prioritising shareholders is closely associated with commercial profit objectives, not public service obligations. PSB differs because it is expected to serve the wider public interest."}]},{"id":"4ad86606-c842-4bfd-9bd5-0887014b1006","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did the Media Act 2024 update public service media rules?","back":"Made public service content easier to find on smart TVs and streaming interfaces.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Made public service content easier to find on smart TVs and streaming interfaces.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Media Act 2024 modernised prominence rules so designated public service content remains visible and accessible as audiences increasingly use smart televisions and online streaming interfaces."},{"text":"Made commercial advertising easier to avoid on smart TVs and streaming interfaces.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Act did not establish a general requirement making commercial advertising easier to avoid. Its prominence reforms made public service content easier to find on modern platforms."},{"text":"Made newspaper reporting easier to regulate on smart TVs and streaming interfaces.","correct":false,"explanation":"Newspaper regulation was not the purpose of these public service media reforms. The Media Act 2024 improved the prominence and discoverability of public service content."},{"text":"Made streaming subscriptions easier to cancel on smart TVs and streaming interfaces.","correct":false,"explanation":"Subscription cancellation is a consumer issue, not the relevant PSB change in the Act. The reform made public service content easier to locate on smart TVs and streaming interfaces."}]},{"id":"827ab40b-d809-4389-a1b7-d0a3d35a1b81","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why is S4C useful for linking media policy to identity?","back":"It supports Welsh language and culture.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It supports Welsh language and culture.","correct":true,"explanation":"S4C provides Welsh-language broadcasting and culturally relevant programming, showing how media policy can preserve a minority language and strengthen a distinctive national identity."},{"text":"It supports Scottish language and culture.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses Welsh broadcasting with Scottish media provision. S4C is a Welsh-language channel, so it supports Welsh language and culture and reinforces Welsh identity."},{"text":"It supports English language and culture.","correct":false,"explanation":"English already dominates much UK broadcasting, whereas S4C was created specifically to provide Welsh-language content. It therefore supports Welsh language and culture."},{"text":"It supports Irish language and culture.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses S4C with Irish-language broadcasting services. S4C’s distinctive policy role is supporting Welsh language and culture through dedicated Welsh-language programming."}]},{"id":"636440f4-e0f0-421f-b65a-bff902742727","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can PSB support democracy in a pluralist view?","back":"

Reliable information for citizens.
Range of viewpoints for debate.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Reliable information for citizens.
Range of viewpoints for debate.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Pluralists argue that democracy benefits when citizens receive dependable information and encounter competing perspectives. These allow informed political participation and open public debate."},{"text":"

Government propaganda for citizens.
Single approved viewpoint for debate.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Government propaganda and a single viewpoint restrict rather than support pluralist democracy. PSB should provide reliable information and a range of viewpoints for open debate."},{"text":"

Unverified information for citizens.
Narrow range of viewpoints for debate.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Unverified information weakens informed participation, while a narrow viewpoint range limits pluralism. Democratic PSB should offer reliable information and varied perspectives for debate."},{"text":"

Commercial promotion for citizens.
Advertiser-selected viewpoints for debate.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Commercial promotion and advertiser control prioritise market interests rather than democratic participation. A pluralist view values reliable information and a range of viewpoints for citizens."}]},{"id":"429c970c-d9de-4549-b2d9-f3c70da937a4","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives [ ] powers to regulate [ ].","back":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives Ofcom powers to regulate user-to-user and search services.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives Ofcom powers to regulate user-to-user and search services.","correct":true,"explanation":"Ofcom enforces the Act’s online safety duties for regulated user-to-user platforms and search services, including requirements concerning illegal content and the protection of children."},{"text":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives the ICO powers to regulate user-to-user and search services.","correct":false,"explanation":"The ICO primarily regulates data protection and information rights. The Online Safety Act gives Ofcom powers over regulated user-to-user platforms and search services."},{"text":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives Ofcom powers to regulate national newspapers and magazines.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses online safety regulation with press regulation. Ofcom’s powers under the Act concern user-to-user and search services, not national newspapers and magazines."},{"text":"The Online Safety Act 2023 gives the ASA powers to regulate television and radio broadcasters.","correct":false,"explanation":"The ASA regulates advertising, while television and radio are regulated mainly under broadcasting law. The Act gives Ofcom powers over user-to-user and search services."}]},{"id":"6a4cd344-8dd4-4613-88f7-7cc325ef4c48","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do algorithms matter sociologically on platforms?","back":"They can amplify certain messages, identities or harms.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They can amplify certain messages, identities or harms.","correct":true,"explanation":"Algorithms rank and recommend content, making some material much more visible than others. This can increase the social influence of particular messages, identities or harms."},{"text":"They can eliminate certain messages, identities or harms.","correct":false,"explanation":"Algorithms do not reliably remove these influences and may instead intensify their visibility. They can amplify particular messages, identities or harms through ranking and recommendation."},{"text":"They can equalise all messages, identities or harms.","correct":false,"explanation":"This assumes algorithms distribute attention neutrally and evenly. In practice, their selection and recommendation processes can amplify some messages, identities or harms over others."},{"text":"They can privatise certain messages, identities or harms.","correct":false,"explanation":"Privatisation concerns transferring ownership or control to private organisations, not algorithmic visibility. Algorithms matter because they can amplify particular messages, identities or harms."}]},{"id":"e44389bb-77f3-49d8-85be-ba8d9ff03be9","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"For adults, what type of online content is the Online Safety Act most focused on?","back":"Illegal content, not every legal-but-unpleasant post.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Illegal content, not every legal-but-unpleasant post.","correct":true,"explanation":"For adult users, the Act concentrates on content that is illegal, such as terrorism or fraud material. It does not generally prohibit every lawful post that causes offence."},{"text":"Legal-but-unpleasant content, including every offensive post.","correct":false,"explanation":"This overstates the Act’s restrictions on lawful adult speech. Its central focus for adults is illegal content, not every legal post that is offensive or unpleasant."},{"text":"All political content, whether lawful or unlawful.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Act does not treat political discussion as a single prohibited category. For adults, its main content focus is illegality rather than the political subject matter."},{"text":"Commercial advertising, not criminal online material.","correct":false,"explanation":"Advertising is principally covered by a separate regulatory system involving the ASA. For adults, the Online Safety Act focuses chiefly on illegal online content."}]},{"id":"ee2b40be-71aa-4714-920c-39930a798ca6","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"After the [ ], the [ ] reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","back":"After the phone hacking scandal, the Leveson Inquiry reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"After the phone hacking scandal, the Leveson Inquiry reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","correct":true,"explanation":"The phone hacking scandal prompted the Leveson Inquiry, whose 2012 report investigated the culture, practices and ethics of the press and proposed changes to regulation."},{"text":"After the MPs’ expenses scandal, the Leveson Inquiry reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","correct":false,"explanation":"The MPs’ expenses scandal concerned politicians’ financial claims rather than press misconduct. The Leveson Inquiry was established following the phone hacking scandal."},{"text":"After the phone hacking scandal, the Hutton Inquiry reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Hutton Inquiry investigated circumstances surrounding the death of David Kelly and reported earlier. The Leveson Inquiry reported in 2012 after the phone hacking scandal."},{"text":"After the cash-for-questions affair, the Chilcot Inquiry reported in 2012 on press ethics and regulation.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Chilcot Inquiry examined Britain’s involvement in the Iraq War, not press regulation. The Leveson Inquiry followed the phone hacking scandal and reported in 2012."}]},{"id":"ad2d0017-9576-44c9-959a-526061245c1e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is the press regulated differently from broadcasting?","back":"Because a free press is important in a democracy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Because a free press is important in a democracy.","correct":true,"explanation":"Press freedom enables newspapers to investigate powerful institutions, publish criticism and support democratic debate. This creates resistance to imposing broadcasting-style legal controls on newspapers."},{"text":"Because a state-owned press is important in a democracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Democratic press freedom depends on independence from state control, not state ownership. The press is regulated differently because a free press can scrutinise those in power."},{"text":"Because an uncritical press is important in a democracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"An uncritical press would weaken democratic accountability by failing to challenge powerful groups. The relevant principle is protecting a free press that can investigate and criticise."},{"text":"Because a politically neutral press is required in a democracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Newspapers are permitted to adopt political positions and are not legally required to be impartial like broadcasters. The key justification is the democratic importance of a free press."}]},{"id":"480d226b-8b51-416a-bd30-cfb47f6f5a3d","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which body regulates most national newspapers?","back":"IPSO.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"IPSO.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Independent Press Standards Organisation regulates most UK national newspapers and magazines that choose membership, applying the Editors’ Code and handling complaints about member publications."},{"text":"Ofcom.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ofcom regulates broadcasting, telecommunications and certain online services, rather than most national newspapers. Most national newspaper titles belong to and are regulated by IPSO."},{"text":"The BBC.","correct":false,"explanation":"The BBC is a public service broadcaster, not the regulator for the national newspaper industry. Most national newspapers are regulated through membership of IPSO."},{"text":"The ASA.","correct":false,"explanation":"The ASA regulates advertisements across different forms of media, not newspapers’ general editorial content. Most national newspapers are instead regulated by IPSO."}]},{"id":"99feac8e-0e85-4f48-8b1a-62dd107cdb43","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"How do impartiality rules differ for broadcast news and newspapers?","back":"

Broadcast news must follow due impartiality.
Newspapers lack the same legal impartiality rule.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Broadcast news must follow due impartiality.
Newspapers lack the same legal impartiality rule.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Broadcast news is subject to Ofcom’s due impartiality requirements because of its regulated public role. Newspapers may take editorial positions and do not face an equivalent legal rule."},{"text":"

Broadcast news lacks a legal impartiality rule.
Newspapers must follow due impartiality.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the regulatory positions. Broadcast news must satisfy due impartiality requirements, whereas newspapers may express partisan editorial views without an equivalent legal impartiality duty."},{"text":"

Broadcast news must follow political neutrality.
Newspapers must follow political neutrality.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Due impartiality does not require complete neutrality, and newspapers can openly support political viewpoints. The specific legal requirement applies to broadcast news, not newspapers."},{"text":"

Broadcast news chooses whether to follow impartiality.
Newspapers face the stricter legal impartiality rule.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Broadcasters cannot simply opt out of due impartiality requirements, while newspapers do not face a stricter equivalent rule. The legally enforced distinction operates in the opposite direction."}]},{"id":"0280419e-b8bc-4642-b57f-540549652cba","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Datafication turns people’s actions, choices and relationships into [ ] for organisations to store, analyse and use.","back":"Datafication turns people’s actions, choices and relationships into digital data for organisations to store, analyse and use.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"digital data","correct":true,"explanation":"Datafication converts aspects of social life into digital data that organisations can record, combine and analyse, often to guide decisions, predictions or commercial activities."},{"text":"social norms","correct":false,"explanation":"Social norms are shared expectations about behaviour, not the stored output of datafication. Datafication translates actions, choices and relationships into digital data for analysis."},{"text":"printed records","correct":false,"explanation":"Datafication specifically concerns representing social activity as digitally processable information, rather than merely producing paper documents. The actions and relationships become digital data."},{"text":"legal rights","correct":false,"explanation":"Legal rights are recognised entitlements and protections, not the informational product created through datafication. The process turns social actions, choices and relationships into digital data."}]},{"id":"ad9378b8-73f6-49dd-bf37-2d6b252cace0","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which body enforces UK data protection law?","back":"ICO - the Information Commissioner’s Office.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"ICO - the Information Commissioner’s Office.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Information Commissioner’s Office regulates compliance with UK data protection legislation, investigates breaches and complaints, and can take enforcement action against organisations."},{"text":"Ofcom - the Office of Communications.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ofcom regulates broadcasting, telecommunications and postal services, rather than enforcing data protection law. The Information Commissioner’s Office is responsible for UK data protection enforcement."},{"text":"CMA - the Competition and Markets Authority.","correct":false,"explanation":"The CMA protects competition and consumers in markets, not personal information rights. UK data protection legislation is enforced by the Information Commissioner’s Office."},{"text":"NCSC - the National Cyber Security Centre.","correct":false,"explanation":"The NCSC provides guidance and support concerning cyber security threats, but it is not the data protection regulator. Enforcement is carried out by the Information Commissioner’s Office."}]},{"id":"db682eaa-0a6c-4ebb-ba1a-3029177ca1d1","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does modern power work in Foucault’s view of surveillance?","back":"Through observation, classification and self-discipline.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Through observation, classification and self-discipline.","correct":true,"explanation":"Foucault argues that modern surveillance encourages people to regulate their own conduct because they may be observed, while institutions classify individuals against established norms."},{"text":"Through violence, exclusion and physical punishment.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects older sovereign power based mainly on visible force and punishment. Foucault’s modern disciplinary power works through observation, classification and internalised self-discipline."},{"text":"Through consent, negotiation and collective agreement.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating power as freely negotiated overlooks Foucault’s emphasis on disciplinary surveillance. Modern power operates through observation and classification, leading individuals to monitor themselves."},{"text":"Through ownership, competition and market exchange.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses Foucault’s theory with an economic account of capitalist power. His analysis stresses observation, classification and the production of self-disciplined behaviour."}]},{"id":"15eef46e-4e82-4cba-ab4c-d94ec2245248","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Zuboff’s [ ] describes digital companies profiting from behavioural data by predicting or shaping future behaviour.","back":"Zuboff’s surveillance capitalism describes digital companies profiting from behavioural data by predicting or shaping future behaviour.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"surveillance capitalism","correct":true,"explanation":"Zuboff uses this term for a business model that extracts behavioural data and turns predictions about people’s future actions into profitable products and interventions."},{"text":"platform capitalism","correct":false,"explanation":"Platform capitalism concerns businesses organised around digital platforms, but it is not Zuboff’s specific concept. Her term for profiting from behavioural prediction and modification is surveillance capitalism."},{"text":"digital Taylorism","correct":false,"explanation":"Digital Taylorism describes technology-enabled monitoring and control of workers for efficiency. Zuboff calls the extraction and commercial use of behavioural data surveillance capitalism."},{"text":"network society","correct":false,"explanation":"The network society is associated particularly with Castells and describes social organisation through information networks. Zuboff’s concept for monetising behavioural data is surveillance capitalism."}]},{"id":"405dd572-e4b2-414c-b9c1-84382e18c4f5","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Media plurality means a range of [ ], so no single owner or small group dominates public debate.","back":"Media plurality means a range of independently owned media voices, so no single owner or small group dominates public debate.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"independently owned media voices","correct":true,"explanation":"Plurality requires genuinely independent sources and owners, allowing competing viewpoints to enter public debate instead of concentrating agenda-setting power among a few organisations."},{"text":"commercially successful media brands","correct":false,"explanation":"Commercial success does not demonstrate plurality because several brands may share the same owner. Media plurality requires a range of independently owned media voices."},{"text":"digitally distributed news stories","correct":false,"explanation":"A large quantity of online stories can still come from a small number of owners. Plurality concerns independently owned media voices, not merely digital distribution."},{"text":"government-regulated media outlets","correct":false,"explanation":"Regulation may establish standards, but it does not itself create diverse ownership. Media plurality means having independently owned voices that prevent concentrated control of debate."}]},{"id":"c9b102e4-3772-402c-bd95-5c6100c9cb33","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does media ownership matter for democracy?","back":"Owners can influence stories covered, voices heard and issue framing.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Owners can influence stories covered, voices heard and issue framing.","correct":true,"explanation":"Ownership matters because selecting stories, sources and interpretive frames can shape which issues reach public attention and how citizens understand political choices."},{"text":"Owners can influence printing costs, office layouts and delivery routes.","correct":false,"explanation":"These operational decisions do not explain ownership’s democratic significance. Owners matter politically because they can influence stories covered, voices included and the framing of issues."},{"text":"Owners must accept neutral reporting, equal airtime and identical framing.","correct":false,"explanation":"This assumes ownership has no editorial influence and that all reporting is automatically neutral. Owners can affect story selection, whose voices appear and how issues are framed."},{"text":"Owners only influence technology used, staff uniforms and publication dates.","correct":false,"explanation":"Restricting owners’ influence to practical matters ignores their potential editorial power. Ownership matters because it can affect coverage choices, represented voices and issue framing."}]},{"id":"11853248-4061-4d9e-9b0b-d3350a83767a","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does digital choice not necessarily mean equal media power?","back":"Large platforms can control visibility through algorithms.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Large platforms can control visibility through algorithms.","correct":true,"explanation":"Algorithms rank, recommend and suppress content, so platforms retain substantial gatekeeping power even when users appear to have a vast range of digital choices."},{"text":"All users receive equal exposure through algorithms.","correct":false,"explanation":"Algorithms do not distribute every voice equally; they selectively rank and recommend content. Large platforms therefore control visibility despite the apparent abundance of digital choice."},{"text":"Small websites can control regulation through elections.","correct":false,"explanation":"Small websites do not generally determine regulation through electoral processes. Unequal media power persists because large platforms use algorithms to control which content becomes visible."},{"text":"Consumers can control ownership through subscriptions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Choosing subscriptions does not give audiences control over concentrated corporate ownership. Large platforms maintain power by using algorithms to determine the visibility of content."}]},{"id":"3e482810-fdb6-4f7d-891e-b05fa46a930b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, [ ] and [ ].","back":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, skills and confidence.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, skills and confidence.","correct":true,"explanation":"Digital inequality includes more than physical devices and connectivity. People also need the practical skills and confidence required to use digital services effectively."},{"text":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, screen size and confidence.","correct":false,"explanation":"Screen size may affect convenience, but it is not a central dimension of digital inclusion. The definition concerns unequal access, connection, skills and confidence."},{"text":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, skills and popularity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Popularity does not determine whether someone can participate effectively online. The relevant personal factor alongside digital skills is confidence in using technology and services."},{"text":"The digital divide is unequal access to digital technology, internet connection, advertising and entertainment.","correct":false,"explanation":"Advertising and entertainment are forms of digital content, not dimensions of digital exclusion. The divide includes inequalities in access, connectivity, skills and confidence."}]},{"id":"c2e3ebd0-4e16-4b08-8a3d-fa2cbad9a093","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Livingstone and Helsper show about digital inclusion?","back":"Access alone is not enough - skills and confidence matter.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Access alone is not enough - skills and confidence matter.","correct":true,"explanation":"Livingstone and Helsper showed that possessing devices or internet access does not guarantee meaningful inclusion because effective participation also depends on skills and confidence."},{"text":"Access alone guarantees inclusion - skills and confidence follow.","correct":false,"explanation":"This technological determinist assumption treats connectivity as sufficient. Livingstone and Helsper showed that access does not guarantee inclusion because skills and confidence also shape use."},{"text":"Income alone determines inclusion - age and education do not.","correct":false,"explanation":"Income can affect access, but digital inclusion is shaped by several social and personal factors. Livingstone and Helsper emphasised that skills and confidence matter alongside access."},{"text":"Device ownership is enough - patterns of use do not matter.","correct":false,"explanation":"Owning a device does not ensure effective or beneficial digital participation. Livingstone and Helsper found that access alone is insufficient because skills and confidence also matter."}]},{"id":"d6e2e3dd-8e18-4e18-9e1d-1e94fab22cc2","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"According to Cohen, what can media amplification create during a moral panic?","back":"Folk devils and pressure for social control.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Folk devils and pressure for social control.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cohen argues that exaggerated and repeated media coverage constructs groups as folk devils, heightening public concern and generating pressure for stronger social control."},{"text":"Moral entrepreneurs and pressure for deregulation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Moral entrepreneurs campaign to define and enforce rules rather than being created by media amplification. Cohen argues that amplification creates folk devils and pressure for social control."},{"text":"Positive role models and pressure for liberalisation.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the pattern identified by Cohen: sensational coverage demonises perceived deviants rather than presenting positive role models, producing demands for greater social control rather than liberalisation."},{"text":"Political apathy and resistance to social control.","correct":false,"explanation":"Media amplification increases public anxiety rather than political apathy. Cohen argues that this process creates folk devils and intensifies demands for authorities to impose social control."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Contemporary social policy and the media","title":"Contemporary social policy and the media Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"f43df3d8-7553-51b8-a4b4-104c819a80ab","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]