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or shape behaviour.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Social policy","correct":true,"explanation":"Social policy refers to laws, government decisions and public-sector practices designed to address social issues, distribute rights and resources, or influence behaviour."},{"text":"Socialisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Socialisation is the process of learning norms, values and behaviour, not government action managing social issues. The correct term is Social policy, which includes laws and public-sector practices."},{"text":"Social control","correct":false,"explanation":"Social control describes methods used to encourage conformity and regulate behaviour, including sanctions. The correct term is Social policy, covering wider decisions about rights, resources and social issues."},{"text":"Social mobility","correct":false,"explanation":"Social mobility means movement between social positions or classes, rather than government measures addressing social problems. The correct term is Social policy, involving laws and public-sector practices."}]},{"id":"5d8a3043-0a40-4191-a8ec-42af366b5f92","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] means religion’s declining social significance; [ ] means many beliefs in one society.","back":"Secularisation means religion’s declining social significance; religious pluralism means many beliefs in one society.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Secularisation means religion’s declining social significance; religious pluralism means many beliefs in one society.","correct":true,"explanation":"Secularisation describes the declining influence and significance of religion, while religious pluralism describes the coexistence of multiple religious beliefs within one society."},{"text":"Religious pluralism means religion’s declining social significance; secularisation means many beliefs in one society.","correct":false,"explanation":"These concepts have been reversed: secularisation concerns religion’s declining significance, whereas religious pluralism means multiple beliefs coexist. The correct sentence assigns each definition appropriately."},{"text":"Religious fundamentalism means religion’s declining social significance; secularisation means many beliefs in one society.","correct":false,"explanation":"Fundamentalism involves strict commitment to religious doctrines, not declining religious significance. Secularisation also does not mean many beliefs in one society; the correct second term is religious pluralism."},{"text":"Secularisation means religion’s declining social significance; religious fundamentalism means many beliefs in one society.","correct":false,"explanation":"The first term is correctly identified, but fundamentalism means strict religious commitment rather than religious diversity. The correct second term is religious pluralism, meaning many beliefs in one society."}]},{"id":"7e91c39f-dcb5-4068-a41c-455de415301c","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Under the Equality Act 2010, which protected characteristic covers religion?","back":"Religion or belief.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Religion or belief.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Equality Act 2010 protects religion or belief as a protected characteristic, covering religious beliefs and, in relevant circumstances, philosophical beliefs."},{"text":"Race.","correct":false,"explanation":"Race is a separate protected characteristic and does not specifically cover religious identity. The correct characteristic is religion or belief, which protects religious and certain philosophical beliefs."},{"text":"Conscience or morality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Conscience and morality are not the wording of a protected characteristic under the Equality Act 2010. The correct wording is religion or belief."},{"text":"Culture or nationality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Culture and nationality are not the protected-characteristic category covering religion under the Act. The correct category is religion or belief, which directly addresses religious identity and beliefs."}]},{"id":"673096d7-ef1c-44a7-820e-bb410b462d2a","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does Article 9 protect under the Human Rights Act 1998?","back":"Freedom of thought, conscience and religion.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Freedom of thought, conscience and religion.","correct":true,"explanation":"Article 9 protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion, including the freedom to hold beliefs and, subject to limits, manifest them individually or collectively."},{"text":"Freedom of speech, assembly and association.","correct":false,"explanation":"Those freedoms are mainly protected by other Convention rights, especially Articles 10 and 11. Article 9 specifically protects thought, conscience and religion."},{"text":"Freedom of privacy, family life and home.","correct":false,"explanation":"Privacy, family life and the home are protected primarily by Article 8. Article 9 instead concerns freedom of thought, conscience and religion."},{"text":"Freedom of movement, residence and nationality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Movement and residence relate mainly to other legal protections and are not Article 9’s wording. Article 9 protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion."}]},{"id":"e6cdfa68-1381-4794-bd16-f4f677583323","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is Article 9’s manifestation of religion a qualified right?","back":"Religious manifestation can be limited for safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Religious manifestation can be limited for safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights.","correct":true,"explanation":"Article 9 distinguishes holding a belief, which is absolute, from manifesting it. Manifestation may be restricted when necessary to protect safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights."},{"text":"Religious belief can be limited for safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights.","correct":false,"explanation":"The common mistake is treating internal belief like outward practice. Article 9 protects belief absolutely; religious manifestation can be limited for the listed public interests and rights."},{"text":"Religious manifestation can never be limited for safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights.","correct":false,"explanation":"Manifestation is a qualified part of Article 9, so proportionate restrictions may be lawful. Only the freedom to hold a belief is protected absolutely."},{"text":"Religious identity can be limited for safety, order, health, morals or others’ rights.","correct":false,"explanation":"Identity is not the specific Article 9 distinction being tested. The qualified right concerns religious manifestation, which can be restricted in pursuit of legitimate public interests."}]},{"id":"de2b4ad8-253b-4276-97b8-1c546edecf57","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Eweida v United Kingdom show about workplace religious symbols?","back":"British Airways over-weighted corporate image when restricting her visible cross.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"British Airways over-weighted corporate image when restricting her visible cross.","correct":true,"explanation":"Eweida showed that British Airways gave disproportionate weight to corporate image compared with her freedom to manifest religion through wearing a visible cross."},{"text":"British Airways over-weighted health and safety when restricting her visible cross.","correct":false,"explanation":"The case did not establish that health and safety was the decisive justification. The Court found British Airways had over-weighted corporate image when restricting her cross."},{"text":"British Airways over-weighted customer preference when restricting her visible cross.","correct":false,"explanation":"Customer preference was not the central principle established in Eweida. The important finding was that British Airways gave excessive weight to corporate image."},{"text":"British Airways over-weighted religious neutrality when restricting her visible cross.","correct":false,"explanation":"The judgment did not treat religious neutrality as the employer’s decisive justification. It showed that corporate image had been over-weighted against Eweida’s religious manifestation."}]},{"id":"11073ca8-616c-4922-b2dc-857fd663306e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"A faith school has a formal [ ].","back":"A faith school has a formal religious character or ethos.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"religious character or ethos","correct":true,"explanation":"A faith school is formally identified by its religious character or ethos, which influences its educational aims, governance and sometimes admissions or collective worship."},{"text":"religious membership or attendance","correct":false,"explanation":"Membership or attendance describes an individual’s relationship with religion, not a school’s formal identity. The correct phrase is religious character or ethos."},{"text":"religious curriculum or examination","correct":false,"explanation":"A curriculum or examination may include religious content but does not define the school’s formal status. The correct term is religious character or ethos."},{"text":"religious building or community","correct":false,"explanation":"A religious building or community may support a school, but neither phrase identifies its formal educational character. The correct answer is religious character or ethos."}]},{"id":"2383d35d-4624-413c-9d54-89e757a6770a","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In England, religious education remains [ ]; in Wales, the curriculum includes [ ].","back":"In England, religious education remains compulsory; in Wales, the curriculum includes Religion, Values and Ethics.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In England, religious education remains compulsory; in Wales, the curriculum includes Religion, Values and Ethics.","correct":true,"explanation":"In England, religious education remains compulsory within the school curriculum, while Wales uses Religion, Values and Ethics as part of its curriculum framework."},{"text":"In England, religious education remains optional; in Wales, the curriculum includes Religion, Values and Ethics.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Welsh curriculum term is correct, but English religious education is not simply optional. The correct sentence states that it remains compulsory in England."},{"text":"In England, religious education remains compulsory; in Wales, the curriculum includes Religious Studies.","correct":false,"explanation":"English religious education remains compulsory, but the Welsh curriculum wording is Religion, Values and Ethics rather than Religious Studies. The second filled term is therefore incorrect."},{"text":"In England, religious education remains voluntary; in Wales, the curriculum includes Religious Studies.","correct":false,"explanation":"Both terms are wrong: English religious education remains compulsory, and Wales includes Religion, Values and Ethics. The distractors confuse legal status with alternative subject labels."}]},{"id":"3a5efb2b-5b27-4308-bfb6-306bfe6498fa","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How would Durkheim justify religious education or school worship?","back":"They can create social solidarity through shared moral values.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They can create social solidarity through shared moral values.","correct":true,"explanation":"Durkheim saw religion as reinforcing society’s collective conscience. Shared worship and moral teaching can unite pupils around common values, thereby producing social solidarity."},{"text":"They can promote individual spirituality through personal religious choice.","correct":false,"explanation":"Individual spiritual choice concerns personal belief rather than Durkheim’s functionalist emphasis. He would justify these practices because shared moral values can create social solidarity."},{"text":"They can create religious competition through conflicting moral values.","correct":false,"explanation":"Competition between religious groups does not reflect Durkheim’s argument about religion’s integrative function. He believed shared moral values could create social solidarity."},{"text":"They can encourage social division through weakened moral values.","correct":false,"explanation":"Durkheim did not justify worship as a way to weaken collective morality. His argument is that shared moral values bind individuals together and create social solidarity."}]},{"id":"4e58aa41-3db2-47ae-ada7-4c89273b3d67","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Bruce criticise compulsory Christian traditions in schools?","back":"They seem out of step with a diverse, less religious society.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They seem out of step with a diverse, less religious society.","correct":true,"explanation":"Bruce argues that declining religiosity and growing religious diversity make compulsory Christian practices increasingly unrepresentative of pupils and wider British society."},{"text":"They seem well aligned with a diverse, less religious society.","correct":false,"explanation":"Bruce’s secularisation perspective does not portray compulsory Christian traditions as well suited to modern Britain. He argues they are out of step with increasing diversity and declining religiosity."},{"text":"They seem in keeping with a uniform, more religious society.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the social trend identified by Bruce: society has become more religiously diverse, not uniformly Christian. Compulsory Christian traditions therefore appear out of step."},{"text":"They seem too flexible for a traditional, more religious society.","correct":false,"explanation":"Bruce does not principally criticise these traditions for being insufficiently strict. His criticism is that compulsory Christianity no longer reflects a diverse and less religious society."}]},{"id":"4e900bdd-f74c-484f-9107-048270b551db","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Davie argues religion can remain [ ] even when [ ].","back":"Davie argues religion can remain culturally important even when attendance falls.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Davie argues religion can remain culturally important even when attendance falls.","correct":true,"explanation":"Davie distinguishes religious participation from religion’s wider cultural significance. Falling attendance therefore does not necessarily mean religion has ceased to shape identity, values or public rituals."},{"text":"Davie argues religion can remain culturally important even when attendance rises.","correct":false,"explanation":"This incorrectly assumes that religion’s cultural importance depends directly on rising participation. Davie argues it can remain culturally important even when attendance falls."},{"text":"Davie argues religion can remain politically controlled even when attendance falls.","correct":false,"explanation":"Davie does not claim that falling attendance makes religion politically controlled. Her distinction is between declining attendance and the continued cultural importance of religion."},{"text":"Davie argues religion can remain culturally unimportant even when attendance rises.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Davie’s argument by linking rising attendance to cultural insignificance. She maintains that religion may remain culturally important despite falling attendance."}]},{"id":"15b8f9a5-94c2-4183-8f6f-51aa690f4b2c","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can Bourdieu be applied to faith school admissions?","back":"Middle-class families may use religious and cultural capital to access desirable schools.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Middle-class families may use religious and cultural capital to access desirable schools.","correct":true,"explanation":"Bourdieu’s concepts explain how middle-class parents can convert knowledge of religious expectations, confidence and suitable cultural practices into admission advantages at desirable faith schools."},{"text":"Middle-class families may use economic deprivation and exclusion to access desirable schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic deprivation generally restricts educational choices rather than giving middle-class families an admissions advantage. Bourdieu highlights their use of religious and cultural capital to access desirable schools."},{"text":"Middle-class families may use passivity and social isolation to access desirable schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Passive acceptance would not explain how advantaged parents strategically navigate admissions. Bourdieu suggests middle-class families mobilise religious and cultural capital to secure access to desirable schools."},{"text":"Middle-class families may use working-class resistance to access desirable schools.","correct":false,"explanation":"Working-class resistance is associated with other applications of class theory, not middle-class admissions strategies. Here, religious and cultural capital help advantaged families access desirable schools."}]},{"id":"d39ae64a-7720-4049-b719-5043d14baa80","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What does Modood argue multicultural citizenship should recognise?","back":"Minority religious identities, not a forced neutral secular model.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Minority religious identities, not a forced neutral secular model.","correct":true,"explanation":"Modood’s multiculturalism treats religious identity as a legitimate part of public citizenship. Equality should accommodate minority religious identities rather than demanding conformity to supposedly neutral secular norms."},{"text":"Majority Christian traditions, not the identities of minority groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Prioritising only majority Christian traditions would exclude minority groups rather than create multicultural citizenship. Modood argues that minority religious identities should receive public recognition."},{"text":"Private individual choices, not collective minority religious identities.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating private individual choice as the only valid form of religion overlooks collective identities and public recognition. Modood argues multicultural citizenship should recognise minority religious identities."},{"text":"Compulsory cultural assimilation, not the public recognition of religious difference.","correct":false,"explanation":"Compulsory assimilation requires minorities to abandon or conceal difference, which conflicts with Modood’s multicultural approach. He supports recognition of minority religious identities instead of forced secular neutrality."}]},{"id":"2a0b3498-10de-419b-807a-1c7e3c0652dc","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does the Prevent duty require relevant public bodies to do?","back":"Have due regard to preventing people being drawn into terrorism.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Have due regard to preventing people being drawn into terrorism.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Prevent duty requires specified authorities, including schools and healthcare bodies, to consider the need to prevent individuals from being drawn into terrorism when carrying out their functions."},{"text":"Have automatic authority to detain people expressing controversial views.","correct":false,"explanation":"Prevent does not authorise public bodies to detain anyone expressing controversial views. Their legal duty is to have due regard to preventing people being drawn into terrorism."},{"text":"Have sole responsibility for prosecuting people suspected of extremist offences.","correct":false,"explanation":"The duty is preventive rather than a requirement to prosecute every suspected extremist offence. Relevant bodies must have due regard to preventing people being drawn into terrorism."},{"text":"Have a legal obligation to prohibit people discussing religious beliefs.","correct":false,"explanation":"Prevent does not require public bodies to prohibit all religious discussion, which would be excessively broad. It requires due regard to preventing people from being drawn into terrorism."}]},{"id":"523c77b6-9483-4f95-92d7-0075fc80876b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which programme may receive people considered at risk under Prevent?","back":"Channel, a safeguarding programme.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Channel, a safeguarding programme.","correct":true,"explanation":"Channel is the voluntary, multi-agency safeguarding programme associated with Prevent. It assesses and supports people considered vulnerable to being drawn into terrorism."},{"text":"CONTEST, a safeguarding programme.","correct":false,"explanation":"CONTEST is the wider UK counter-terrorism strategy, not the safeguarding programme receiving individual referrals. People identified as vulnerable under Prevent may be referred to Channel."},{"text":"Pursue, a safeguarding programme.","correct":false,"explanation":"Pursue is a strand of the counter-terrorism strategy focused on stopping attacks, not the multi-agency safeguarding programme for vulnerable individuals. That programme is Channel."},{"text":"Protect, a safeguarding programme.","correct":false,"explanation":"Protect is a strategic strand concerned with strengthening protection against attacks, not managing safeguarding referrals. People considered at risk under Prevent may enter Channel."}]},{"id":"692059ef-cab7-4eff-b818-f0386d287805","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can Becker’s labelling theory be used to criticise Prevent?","back":"Labelling Muslim identities as suspicious can shape treatment and self-identity.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Labelling Muslim identities as suspicious can shape treatment and self-identity.","correct":true,"explanation":"Becker argues that labels influence how others respond and may become incorporated into self-identity. Treating Muslim identities as suspicious can therefore produce stigma and altered treatment."},{"text":"Labelling Muslim identities as integrated can eliminate unequal treatment and stigma.","correct":false,"explanation":"Becker’s theory emphasises the harmful social consequences of labels, not their ability to guarantee integration. Prevent may label Muslim identities as suspicious, shaping treatment and self-identity."},{"text":"Labelling all identities as neutral can prevent treatment from shaping self-identity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Labelling theory does not assume official categories are neutral or consequence-free. Becker would criticise suspicious labels attached to Muslim identities because they can affect treatment and self-identity."},{"text":"Labelling Muslim identities as deviant can prevent stigma and self-fulfilling prophecy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Becker would not argue that suspicion reliably prevents deviance; labelling may instead stigmatise groups and contribute to self-fulfilling effects. Muslim identities can be treated as suspicious."}]},{"id":"94aa3081-0ee7-4ef5-af5c-cfb3fab47b6a","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Foucault’s idea of [ ] helps analyse institutions monitoring [ ].","back":"Foucault’s idea of surveillance helps analyse institutions monitoring risk and behaviour.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Foucault’s idea of surveillance helps analyse institutions monitoring risk and behaviour.","correct":true,"explanation":"Foucault emphasises how continuous observation encourages people to regulate themselves. Institutions use surveillance to identify risks, classify behaviour and promote conformity without relying solely on direct coercion."},{"text":"Foucault’s idea of secularisation helps analyse institutions monitoring religious participation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Secularisation concerns the declining social significance of religion, rather than institutional observation. Foucault’s concept is surveillance, which explains how institutions monitor risk and behaviour to encourage conformity."},{"text":"Foucault’s idea of social solidarity helps analyse institutions monitoring shared values.","correct":false,"explanation":"Social solidarity is associated particularly with Durkheim and social cohesion, not Foucault’s analysis of observation. The relevant concept is surveillance, applied to institutions monitoring risk and behaviour."},{"text":"Foucault’s idea of labelling helps analyse institutions monitoring deviant identities.","correct":false,"explanation":"Labelling theory examines how social reactions create deviant identities, but it is not the Foucauldian concept required here. Surveillance explains institutional monitoring of risk and behaviour."}]},{"id":"ba7c7059-2847-473f-8447-e619ac31dd32","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the [ ]; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the [ ].","back":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006.","correct":true,"explanation":"The 1998 Act created specific religiously aggravated offences, while the 2006 Act extended criminal law to cover intentionally stirring up hatred against groups defined by religion."},{"text":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the Equality Act 2010; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Equality Act addresses discrimination in areas such as employment and services; it does not create religiously aggravated offences. Those offences fall under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998."},{"text":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the Human Rights Act 1998.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Human Rights Act incorporates Convention rights into UK law rather than creating this hatred offence. Stirring up religious hatred was criminalised by the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006."},{"text":"Religiously aggravated offences are under the Human Rights Act 1998; stirring up religious hatred is criminalised by the Equality Act 2010.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses rights and anti-discrimination legislation with criminal hate-crime provisions. The relevant statutes are the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006."}]},{"id":"055820e2-7861-4c56-8643-abcacbe67f76","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"Why should police-recorded religious hate crime statistics be used cautiously?","back":"

Reporting rates vary.
Recording practices vary.
Public confidence affects reporting.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Reporting rates vary.
Recording practices vary.
Public confidence affects reporting.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Recorded figures reflect both victims’ willingness to contact the police and police procedures for classifying incidents. Differences in public confidence therefore make the statistics an imperfect measure of actual prevalence."},{"text":"

Religious populations are equal.
Recording practices are uniform.
Public confidence stays constant.

","correct":false,"explanation":"These conditions do not hold across groups, places or time. Caution is needed because reporting rates and recording practices vary, while changing public confidence affects willingness to report."},{"text":"

Reporting rates are complete.
Police definitions never change.
Victim awareness is universal.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Many incidents remain unreported, and definitions, practices and victim awareness are not fixed. Recorded statistics must be treated cautiously because reporting, recording and public confidence all vary."},{"text":"

Crime levels are identical.
Religious groups report equally.
Police forces record uniformly.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Crime levels and reporting behaviour differ, while police forces may apply recording rules inconsistently. The key cautions are variable reporting rates, recording practices and levels of public confidence."}]},{"id":"3a819541-ff62-4374-839b-20e4c760c662","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The Church of England is [ ] in England; the Church in Wales was [ ].","back":"The Church of England is established in England; the Church in Wales was disestablished in 1920.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The Church of England is established in England; the Church in Wales was disestablished in 1920.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Church of England retains a formal constitutional relationship with the English state. The Church in Wales ceased to be established when disestablishment took effect in 1920."},{"text":"The Church of England is disestablished in England; the Church in Wales was established in 1920.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses both churches’ constitutional histories. The Church of England remains established, whereas the Church in Wales was separated from state establishment in 1920."},{"text":"The Church of England is established in England; the Church in Wales was disestablished in 1998.","correct":false,"explanation":"The status of the Church of England is correct, but the date is confused with modern devolution legislation. Welsh disestablishment took effect in 1920."},{"text":"The Church of England is independent in England; the Church in Wales was disestablished in 1948.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Church of England is constitutionally established rather than wholly independent of the state. The Church in Wales was disestablished in 1920, not after the Second World War."}]},{"id":"a69d2a50-02a8-4819-a22a-33d99cf2935e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How would conflict theorists view Church establishment?","back":"As symbolic privilege for Christianity within the state.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"As symbolic privilege for Christianity within the state.","correct":true,"explanation":"Conflict theorists emphasise unequal power and status. Establishment gives Christianity official recognition and constitutional advantages, making it a form of symbolic privilege within state institutions."},{"text":"As equal representation for all religions within the state.","correct":false,"explanation":"Establishment gives one Christian denomination a distinctive official position rather than representing all religions equally. Conflict theorists therefore interpret it as symbolic privilege for Christianity."},{"text":"As religious neutrality between Christianity and the state.","correct":false,"explanation":"An established church indicates a formal link between Christianity and state institutions, not religious neutrality. Conflict theorists view that relationship as symbolic privilege benefiting Christianity."},{"text":"As secular separation of Christianity from the state.","correct":false,"explanation":"Secular separation would mean disestablishment and reduced formal religious influence. Church establishment instead preserves Christianity’s official status, which conflict theorists describe as symbolic privilege."}]},{"id":"8b812de0-46af-4ae9-b540-b2f8e491a514","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does Putnam’s social capital explain faith-based welfare?","back":"Trust and support networks help faith communities mobilise volunteers.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Trust and support networks help faith communities mobilise volunteers.","correct":true,"explanation":"Putnam’s social capital consists of relationships, trust and shared norms that enable cooperation. Faith communities can draw on these networks to recruit volunteers and organise welfare provision."},{"text":"Competition and market forces help faith communities mobilise volunteers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Competition and markets belong to economic or religious-market explanations, not Putnam’s social capital approach. He stresses trust and support networks that facilitate coordinated voluntary action."},{"text":"Coercion and legal sanctions help faith communities mobilise volunteers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Volunteering generated through social capital depends on trust, reciprocity and community relationships rather than legal compulsion. These support networks help faith groups mobilise people for welfare work."},{"text":"Isolation and weak relationships help faith communities mobilise volunteers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Isolation and weak relationships would reduce a community’s capacity for collective action. Putnam argues that trust and support networks provide the social capital needed to mobilise volunteers."}]},{"id":"9ccdb783-ed20-4af5-8284-e63de47f89c0","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act 2013 balance equality and religion?","back":"

Allowed same-sex marriage in England and Wales.
Protected religious organisations from forced ceremonies.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Allowed same-sex marriage in England and Wales.
Protected religious organisations from forced ceremonies.

","correct":true,"explanation":"The Act extended civil marriage equality to same-sex couples while allowing religious organisations to decide whether to participate. This combined equal legal recognition with protections for religious autonomy."},{"text":"

Allowed civil partnerships only in England and Wales.
Protected religious organisations from forced ceremonies.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Civil partnerships already existed before 2013, so the Act went further by legalising same-sex marriage. It also protected religious organisations from being compelled to conduct ceremonies."},{"text":"

Allowed same-sex marriage in England and Wales.
Required religious organisations to conduct ceremonies.

","correct":false,"explanation":"The equality provision is accurate, but religious bodies were not required to participate. The Act specifically protected religious organisations from being forced to conduct same-sex marriage ceremonies."},{"text":"

Banned same-sex marriage in England and Wales.
Required religious organisations to conduct ceremonies.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses both parts of the legislation. The Act legalised same-sex marriage in England and Wales while protecting religious organisations from compulsory participation in ceremonies."}]},{"id":"46e4ac36-1dd4-4ac0-bfc6-f6db87b7f91c","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How may feminists and LGBTQ+ campaigners criticise religious exemptions?","back":"Exemptions may protect patriarchal or heteronormative power.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Exemptions may protect patriarchal or heteronormative power.","correct":true,"explanation":"Feminist and LGBTQ+ perspectives may argue that exemptions let religious institutions preserve male dominance or heterosexual norms, limiting the practical reach of equality protections."},{"text":"Exemptions may eliminate patriarchal or heteronormative power.","correct":false,"explanation":"Exemptions reduce the application of some equality requirements rather than automatically removing unequal power. Critics argue that they may preserve patriarchal or heteronormative authority within religious institutions."},{"text":"Exemptions may guarantee gender and sexual equality.","correct":false,"explanation":"A guarantee would require equality rules to apply consistently, whereas exemptions permit some religious practices to remain outside them. Critics therefore argue exemptions may protect patriarchal or heteronormative power."},{"text":"Exemptions may weaken all religious authority equally.","correct":false,"explanation":"Religious exemptions generally protect institutional autonomy rather than weakening religious authority. Feminist and LGBTQ+ campaigners may criticise them for shielding patriarchal or heteronormative power from equality requirements."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Contemporary social policy and religion","title":"Contemporary social policy and religion Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L37"}]}],"topicId":"9e46e688-81e9-5241-8709-7d6b0c8f2b45","walled":"$L38"}],"$L39","$L3a"]