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24:[["$","$L33",null,{"feature":"flashcards"}],"$L34",["$","$L35",null,{"href":"/a-level/sociology/aqa/social-distribution-of-crime/flashcards","label":"Social distribution of crime","subjectCode":"a_level_sociology__aqa","surface":"flashcards"}],["$","$L36",null,{"runner":["$","div",null,{"className":"min-h-0 flex-1 overflow-hidden bg-background","children":["$","$L37",null,{"decks":[{"id":"b24e3808-698c-474f-8945-ec14ae291361","title":"Social distribution of crime Flashcards","topicId":"ec95a97c-211b-5fa1-85e0-8c6fe2cbfcc9","topicSlug":"social-distribution-of-crime","cards":[{"id":"82f714a7-34df-4d79-ba10-f0ef1212273d","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The social distribution of crime is the pattern of crime, deviance, victimisation and CJS outcomes across different [ ].","back":"The social distribution of crime is the pattern of crime, deviance, victimisation and CJS outcomes across different social groups.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"social groups","correct":true,"explanation":"Crime and criminal justice outcomes vary systematically by social characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, age and class, so the relevant unit of comparison is social groups."},{"text":"criminal offences","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses the distribution of crime across populations with the classification of different offences. The correct term is social groups, such as groups defined by gender, ethnicity, age or class."},{"text":"historical periods","correct":false,"explanation":"Comparing time periods examines historical changes in crime rather than its social distribution. The blank is social groups because the concept focuses on differences between sections of society."},{"text":"legal institutions","correct":false,"explanation":"Legal institutions process crime but are not the populations being compared in its social distribution. The correct term is social groups, including groups based on class, gender, ethnicity and age."}]},{"id":"7dae1134-1a99-4e59-8851-ec3c0a458005","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why are official crime statistics filtered rather than complete?","back":"They show processed crime, shaped by reporting, recording, policing and punishment.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They show processed crime, shaped by reporting, recording, policing and punishment.","correct":true,"explanation":"An offence reaches official statistics only after decisions by victims, police and criminal justice agencies. The resulting figures therefore represent processed crime rather than every offence committed."},{"text":"They show all crime committed, unaffected by reporting, recording, policing or punishment.","correct":false,"explanation":"This assumes every offence becomes known and is recorded consistently. Official statistics actually show processed crime, shaped by reporting, police recording practices, enforcement priorities and punishment decisions."},{"text":"They show victim-reported crime, shaped only by respondents’ memories and willingness to answer.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes a limitation of victim surveys rather than official statistics. Official figures show processed crime because reporting, police recording, enforcement and punishment all filter which offences appear."},{"text":"They show police-detected crime, shaped only by the seriousness of each offence committed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Seriousness can affect processing, but it is not the only filter and official figures are not limited to detected offences. They show processed crime shaped by several institutional decisions."}]},{"id":"cba5c8dc-e2fe-44df-af1b-981849ee6f82","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] is offences that happen but do not appear in official statistics.","back":"The dark figure of crime is offences that happen but do not appear in official statistics.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"dark figure of crime","correct":true,"explanation":"The dark figure of crime consists of offences missing from official statistics, commonly because victims do not report them or the police do not record them."},{"text":"official crime rate","correct":false,"explanation":"The official crime rate is calculated from offences recorded by authorities, so it excludes much hidden offending. The correct term is dark figure of crime, covering offences absent from official data."},{"text":"victimisation rate","correct":false,"explanation":"A victimisation rate estimates how frequently people experience crime, often using survey evidence. The correct term is dark figure of crime because the sentence refers specifically to unrecorded offences."},{"text":"recorded crime total","correct":false,"explanation":"Recorded crime is the portion that appears in official statistics, making it the opposite of the description. The correct term is dark figure of crime, meaning hidden or unrecorded offences."}]},{"id":"e444b52e-be31-4a15-ab26-06d3d6c75acb","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What does the CSEW estimate by asking people about their crime experiences?","back":"Victimisation, including some crime not reported to police.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Victimisation, including some crime not reported to police.","correct":true,"explanation":"The CSEW asks a representative sample about offences they have experienced, allowing it to estimate victimisation and uncover some incidents that were never reported to the police."},{"text":"Offending, including every crime committed by respondents.","correct":false,"explanation":"The CSEW primarily asks about experiences as victims, not every offence respondents have committed. It therefore estimates victimisation, including some incidents that were not reported to police."},{"text":"Police recording, including every crime reported to officers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Police recording is measured through police data rather than a household victim survey. The CSEW estimates victimisation by asking respondents about crimes they have personally experienced."},{"text":"Conviction rates, including some cases dismissed by courts.","correct":false,"explanation":"Conviction rates come from criminal justice records and concern court outcomes. The CSEW instead estimates victimisation, including some offences that victims did not report to the police."}]},{"id":"a2717ec5-b3a0-4357-9d33-28331ac29047","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What is the clearest gender pattern in official crime statistics?","back":"Men are much more likely to be convicted.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Men are much more likely to be convicted.","correct":true,"explanation":"Official statistics consistently show that men account for substantially more convictions than women, particularly for violent and other serious offences, although patterns vary between offence types."},{"text":"Women are much more likely to be convicted.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the pattern found in official statistics. Men are much more likely to be convicted, especially for violent offences, although feminist sociologists question whether women’s offending is always detected equally."},{"text":"Men and women are equally likely to be convicted.","correct":false,"explanation":"This overlooks the substantial gender gap in official criminal justice data. Men are much more likely to be convicted, even though the size of that gap differs by offence."},{"text":"Young women are much more likely to be convicted.","correct":false,"explanation":"Age can affect offending patterns, but official statistics do not show young women as the most convicted gender group. Men are much more likely than women to be convicted."}]},{"id":"a4e9cdeb-8ab6-47d0-9632-04247bb41b40","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Gender socialisation may encourage boys to be [ ], helping explain young men’s over-representation in street violence.","back":"Gender socialisation may encourage boys to be tough, risk-taking and competitive, helping explain young men’s over-representation in street violence.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"tough, risk-taking and competitive","correct":true,"explanation":"Traditional masculine socialisation can reward toughness, competition and risk-taking. These traits may make confrontation and street violence more likely among young men seeking masculine status."},{"text":"caring, passive and cooperative","correct":false,"explanation":"These traits are conventionally associated with feminine rather than masculine socialisation and do not explain male over-representation in street violence. The intended traits are tough, risk-taking and competitive."},{"text":"obedient, cautious and conformist","correct":false,"explanation":"Caution and conformity would generally discourage street violence rather than help explain it. Gender socialisation may instead encourage boys to be tough, risk-taking and competitive."},{"text":"dependent, nurturing and empathetic","correct":false,"explanation":"These qualities are unlikely to promote violent confrontation and are stereotypically linked to feminine socialisation. The explanation focuses on boys being socialised as tough, risk-taking and competitive."}]},{"id":"61bfceb7-3901-49e0-9175-21d2bacbe201","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"According to Messerschmidt, why may some men use crime?","back":"As a way of doing masculinity when legitimate status routes are blocked.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"As a way of doing masculinity when legitimate status routes are blocked.","correct":true,"explanation":"Messerschmidt argues that masculinity is actively accomplished. When education, employment or other legitimate routes to masculine status are unavailable, some men may use crime to demonstrate masculinity."},{"text":"As a way of rejecting masculinity when legitimate status routes are blocked.","correct":false,"explanation":"Messerschmidt sees certain crimes as performances of masculinity, not rejections of it. When legitimate status routes are blocked, some men may seek recognition by doing masculinity through crime."},{"text":"As a way of doing femininity when legitimate status routes are blocked.","correct":false,"explanation":"This substitutes femininity for the central concept in Messerschmidt’s theory. He argues that some men respond to blocked legitimate opportunities by doing masculinity through criminal behaviour."},{"text":"As a way of avoiding masculinity when legitimate status routes are blocked.","correct":false,"explanation":"Crime is presented as a resource for accomplishing masculine identity, not avoiding it. The correct explanation is doing masculinity when conventional routes to status and recognition are unavailable."}]},{"id":"aac697c0-b09f-42b3-a38b-a2aaea59968c","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"Where does Heidensohn say patriarchal control operates?","back":"

At home: domestic responsibilities and surveillance.
In public: fear and reputational judgement.
At work: limited opportunities and supervision.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

At home: domestic responsibilities and surveillance.
In public: fear and reputational judgement.
At work: limited opportunities and supervision.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Heidensohn argues that patriarchal control restricts women in the private domestic sphere, public spaces and paid employment, reducing their opportunities to offend in each setting."},{"text":"

At school: educational labelling and surveillance.
In prison: discipline and institutional judgement.
At court: sentencing decisions and supervision.

","correct":false,"explanation":"These criminal justice and educational settings are not Heidensohn’s three main spheres of patriarchal control. She identifies control at home, in public and at work."},{"text":"

At home: domestic responsibilities and surveillance.
In the media: stereotyping and reputational judgement.
At school: limited opportunities and supervision.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This correctly recognises domestic control but replaces two of Heidensohn’s specified spheres. Her complete framework locates patriarchal control at home, in public and at work."},{"text":"

At prison: institutional discipline and surveillance.
In court: legal and reputational judgement.
At school: limited choices and supervision.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This mistakes formal institutions for Heidensohn’s broad social settings. Her control theory argues that women are constrained at home, in public and at work, limiting opportunities for crime."}]},{"id":"8344f93c-33f6-4d02-bb8e-e16d2e809df8","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"In Carlen’s theory, what may happen if the class deal and gender deal fail?","back":"Some women see less reason to conform.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Some women see less reason to conform.","correct":true,"explanation":"Carlen argues that conformity depends on promised class and gender rewards. If these deals seem unavailable or unrewarding, some women have less incentive to conform."},{"text":"Some women see more reason to conform.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Carlen’s argument: failure of the class and gender deals weakens rather than strengthens the incentive to obey social rules. Some women therefore see less reason to conform."},{"text":"Some women gain greater access to legitimate rewards.","correct":false,"explanation":"Failure of the class deal means legitimate material rewards appear blocked, not increasingly accessible. Carlen argues that this can leave some women with less reason to conform."},{"text":"Some women become more economically secure.","correct":false,"explanation":"Economic security would indicate that the class deal was delivering its promised rewards rather than failing. When both deals fail, some women may instead see less reason to conform."}]},{"id":"81956ca2-1b38-49fe-95c3-594539c9866f","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"According to the chivalry thesis, why may women appear less criminal in official statistics?","back":"The CJS may treat women more leniently.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The CJS may treat women more leniently.","correct":true,"explanation":"The chivalry thesis suggests that male-dominated criminal justice agencies may protect women or judge them less severely, reducing their arrests, prosecutions or convictions in official statistics."},{"text":"The CJS may treat women more harshly.","correct":false,"explanation":"Harsher treatment would increase women’s visibility in official statistics rather than reduce it. The chivalry thesis claims that the CJS may treat women more leniently."},{"text":"The CJS may treat men more leniently.","correct":false,"explanation":"Leniency towards men would not explain why women appear less criminal. The chivalry thesis specifically proposes that criminal justice officials may treat women more leniently."},{"text":"Women may commit only non-criminal acts.","correct":false,"explanation":"The chivalry thesis concerns criminal justice responses, not women committing no criminal acts. It argues that lenient treatment may reduce women’s representation in official statistics."}]},{"id":"fd898493-e124-4048-8adc-4f2ea8bd99a8","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"When may women be punished as doubly deviant?","back":"When seen as breaking the law and feminine expectations.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"When seen as breaking the law and feminine expectations.","correct":true,"explanation":"The double deviance thesis holds that women may be judged twice: once for violating criminal law and again for departing from conventional expectations of femininity."},{"text":"When seen as breaking the law but meeting feminine expectations.","correct":false,"explanation":"Meeting feminine expectations removes the second alleged transgression, so this describes legal deviance alone. Double deviance involves breaking both the law and feminine expectations."},{"text":"When seen as obeying the law and breaking feminine expectations.","correct":false,"explanation":"A woman who obeys the law may challenge gender expectations, but she has not committed the legal transgression required for double deviance in criminal justice."},{"text":"When seen as breaking the law and masculine expectations.","correct":false,"explanation":"The concept concerns women being judged against conventional feminine expectations, not masculine ones. Double deviance means being seen as breaking both the law and feminine expectations."}]},{"id":"1c08db5b-574e-4a19-b46b-7cd38bee2ac0","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can ethnic over-representation coexist with White people being the largest number of offenders/prisoners?","back":"

Black and mixed groups are over-represented at some stages.
White people are the largest population group.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Black and mixed groups are over-represented at some stages.
White people are the largest population group.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Over-representation compares a group’s share at a criminal justice stage with its population share. White people can remain the numerical majority because they form the largest population group."},{"text":"

Black and mixed groups are the majority at all stages.
White people are over-represented at some stages.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses both parts of the distinction. Black and mixed groups may be disproportionately represented at some stages, while White people remain the largest group numerically because of population size."},{"text":"

Black and mixed groups are under-represented at some stages.
White people are the largest population group.

","correct":false,"explanation":"The key pattern is over-representation, not under-representation, of Black and mixed groups at some stages. White people can still be the largest number because they are the largest population group."},{"text":"

Black and mixed groups are over-represented at some stages.
White people are the smallest population group.

","correct":false,"explanation":"The first statement reflects proportional over-representation, but the second is reversed. White people constitute the largest population group, explaining why they may remain the numerical majority."}]},{"id":"e49c3074-1b4a-4e31-b067-582ed00caf4e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Institutional racism is discrimination built into organisational [ ].","back":"Institutional racism is discrimination built into organisational routines, assumptions and practices.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"routines, assumptions and practices","correct":true,"explanation":"Institutional racism operates through normal organisational procedures and taken-for-granted assumptions, meaning discriminatory outcomes can occur even without openly prejudiced individuals."},{"text":"individual choices, intentions and prejudices","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes personal prejudice rather than discrimination embedded within an organisation. Institutional racism is built into organisational routines, assumptions and practices."},{"text":"employee personalities, beliefs and opinions","correct":false,"explanation":"Employees’ personal characteristics may contribute to interpersonal racism, but the institutional concept concerns established organisational routines, assumptions and practices that systematically produce unequal outcomes."},{"text":"isolated incidents, accidents and mistakes","correct":false,"explanation":"Isolated or accidental events do not capture the systematic nature of institutional racism. The concept refers to discrimination embedded in organisational routines, assumptions and practices."}]},{"id":"3f257057-7440-4447-8cfe-3483192edd17","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can police typifications create a self-fulfilling prophecy in statistics?","back":"Stereotypes focus policing on a group, so it appears more criminal.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Stereotypes focus policing on a group, so it appears more criminal.","correct":true,"explanation":"Police stereotypes direct surveillance and intervention towards groups already labelled suspicious. Increased detection then produces statistics that appear to confirm the original stereotype."},{"text":"Stereotypes divert policing from a group, so it appears more criminal.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the self-fulfilling process: typifications increase police attention rather than diverting it. Greater surveillance produces more recorded offences, making the targeted group appear more criminal."},{"text":"Stereotypes focus policing on a group, so its crime rate falls.","correct":false,"explanation":"Police attention primarily affects detection and recording, not necessarily the group’s underlying offending rate. The group appears more criminal because concentrated policing uncovers more offences."},{"text":"Stereotypes focus welfare on a group, so it appears more criminal.","correct":false,"explanation":"Typifications influence law-enforcement attention, not the allocation of welfare support. Stereotypes focus policing on a group, increasing recorded offending and making it appear more criminal."}]},{"id":"b01afc07-ecc1-492c-9f73-bd02f752dcaf","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"According to Hall et al., what did the 1970s moral panic over mugging do?","back":"Constructed young Black men as a threat during capitalist crisis.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Constructed young Black men as a threat during capitalist crisis.","correct":true,"explanation":"Hall and his colleagues argued that the mugging panic racialised crime by portraying young Black men as threatening, helping redirect attention from a wider capitalist crisis."},{"text":"Constructed young White men as a threat during capitalist crisis.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hall et al. emphasised the racialised construction of young Black men, not White men, as threatening. This moral panic helped manage tensions arising during capitalist crisis."},{"text":"Celebrated young Black men as heroes during capitalist crisis.","correct":false,"explanation":"The media and state presented young Black men as a threat rather than celebrating them. Hall et al. linked this racialised moral panic to a broader capitalist crisis."},{"text":"Constructed young Black women as a threat during capitalist crisis.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hall et al.’s analysis focused specifically on the racialised image of young Black men as muggers. It was not primarily a construction of young Black women."}]},{"id":"610859fe-06fd-48f8-b817-0e74595e7015","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"Which conditions did Lea and Young link to some ethnic minority crime?","back":"

Relative deprivation
Marginalisation
Subcultures from blocked opportunities

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Relative deprivation
Marginalisation
Subcultures from blocked opportunities

","correct":true,"explanation":"Left realists Lea and Young argued that relative deprivation and political marginalisation can encourage subcultures to form as collective responses to blocked opportunities."},{"text":"

Absolute deprivation
Political integration
Biological inheritance of criminality

","correct":false,"explanation":"Lea and Young focused on perceived disadvantage relative to others, exclusion from political influence and subcultural responses. They did not explain ethnic minority crime through biological inheritance."},{"text":"

Relative deprivation
Marginalisation
Social bonds from shared opportunities

","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative deprivation and marginalisation match Lea and Young, but strong social bonds are generally expected to restrain crime. Their third condition was subculture formation from blocked opportunities."},{"text":"

Status frustration
Focal concerns
Matriarchal families from absent fathers

","correct":false,"explanation":"These ideas come from other explanations of deviance and family structure rather than Lea and Young’s account. Their conditions were relative deprivation, marginalisation and subcultures arising from blocked opportunities."}]},{"id":"bf156344-0bcf-4099-a018-11a993686097","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Official statistics tend to show [ ] people as more involved in recorded street crime and prison.","back":"Official statistics tend to show working-class people as more involved in recorded street crime and prison.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"working-class","correct":true,"explanation":"Official statistics disproportionately associate working-class people with recorded street crime and imprisonment, although sociologists argue that selective policing and under-recording of higher-class crime help produce this pattern."},{"text":"middle-class","correct":false,"explanation":"Official statistics do not generally present the middle class as most involved in recorded street crime or imprisonment. They disproportionately show working-class people, partly reflecting patterns of policing and enforcement."},{"text":"upper-class","correct":false,"explanation":"Upper-class offending is often less visible in street-crime and prison statistics, particularly when it takes corporate or white-collar forms. Official figures instead disproportionately represent working-class people."},{"text":"professional-class","correct":false,"explanation":"Professional groups may commit white-collar offences, but they are not shown as most involved in recorded street crime and imprisonment. Official statistics disproportionately represent working-class people."}]},{"id":"aed2365a-b0af-45cc-8ffa-7653afe54972","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"How do white-collar crime and corporate crime differ?","back":"

White-collar: offences by professional or high-status workers.
Corporate: illegal or harmful actions by companies.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

White-collar: offences by professional or high-status workers.
Corporate: illegal or harmful actions by companies.

","correct":true,"explanation":"White-collar crime is committed through professional or high-status occupations, whereas corporate crime involves illegal or harmful organisational actions carried out by companies."},{"text":"

White-collar: offences committed by organised street gangs.
Corporate: illegal acts committed against companies.

","correct":false,"explanation":"White-collar crime is defined by the professional or high-status position of offenders, not gang membership. Corporate crime consists of harmful or illegal actions by companies, rather than offences targeting them."},{"text":"

White-collar: harmful actions committed by entire companies.
Corporate: offences by low-status manual workers.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses and distorts the distinction. White-collar offences are committed by professional or high-status workers, while corporate crimes are harmful or illegal actions undertaken by companies."},{"text":"

White-collar: offences involving violence in the workplace.
Corporate: legal actions benefiting company shareholders.

","correct":false,"explanation":"White-collar crime need not involve workplace violence, and lawful business decisions are not corporate crime. The distinction concerns high-status occupational offending versus illegal or harmful company actions."}]},{"id":"882a0a90-b409-4c94-85de-42c69586226e","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of [ ] but using [ ].","back":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of success but using illegitimate means.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of success but using illegitimate means.","correct":true,"explanation":"In Merton’s strain theory, innovators accept society’s goal of material success but reject or lack access to legitimate routes, so they use illegitimate means instead."},{"text":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of success but using legitimate means.","correct":false,"explanation":"Accepting both the culturally approved goal and legitimate methods describes conformity, not innovation. Innovation retains the goal of success but pursues it through illegitimate means."},{"text":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of equality but using illegitimate means.","correct":false,"explanation":"Merton’s culturally prescribed goal is material success rather than equality. Innovators continue to value success but turn to illegitimate means when legitimate opportunities appear blocked."},{"text":"Merton’s innovation means accepting the goal of survival but using legitimate means.","correct":false,"explanation":"Innovation is defined in relation to the culturally approved goal of success, not merely survival. Innovators accept that goal while replacing legitimate routes with illegitimate means."}]},{"id":"79ca11e3-679f-4f20-ac4c-38d670991cd3","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"According to Cohen, why may working-class boys form delinquent subcultures?","back":"Status frustration from failing by middle-class school standards.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Status frustration from failing by middle-class school standards.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cohen argued that working-class boys are judged by middle-class standards at school and may experience status frustration, leading them to create delinquent subcultures with alternative values."},{"text":"Cultural deprivation from lacking working-class community values.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cohen did not argue that working-class boys simply lack community values. He identified status frustration caused by failure under middle-class school standards, encouraging collective delinquent responses."},{"text":"Relative deprivation from comparing themselves with poorer groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relative deprivation is associated more strongly with other explanations of crime, and comparison with poorer groups would not create Cohen’s predicted frustration. His explanation is failure by middle-class school standards."},{"text":"Delayed gratification from succeeding by working-class school standards.","correct":false,"explanation":"Delayed gratification is a value associated with long-term planning, not Cohen’s cause of delinquent subcultures. He emphasised status frustration arising from failure under middle-class school standards."}]},{"id":"e6086bcc-e62a-4ce4-912a-3bd7f5bb070b","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Cloward and Ohlin add about criminal opportunities?","back":"Access to illegitimate opportunities is unequal and local.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Access to illegitimate opportunities is unequal and local.","correct":true,"explanation":"Cloward and Ohlin argued that illegitimate opportunity structures vary between neighbourhoods. Access to criminal networks and skills is therefore unequal, shaping different types of delinquent subculture."},{"text":"Access to legitimate opportunities is unequal and local.","correct":false,"explanation":"Unequal legitimate opportunity was already central to strain explanations. Cloward and Ohlin added that access to illegitimate opportunities, such as established criminal networks, also varies between local areas."},{"text":"Access to illegitimate opportunities is equal and widespread.","correct":false,"explanation":"Cloward and Ohlin rejected the assumption that everyone has equal access to crime. Illegitimate opportunities are unequally distributed and depend on local criminal networks and subcultures."},{"text":"Access to criminal opportunities is inherited and permanent.","correct":false,"explanation":"Their theory focuses on opportunity structures within local communities, not biological inheritance or permanence. Access to illegitimate opportunities is unequal and depends on available criminal networks."}]},{"id":"b50351a8-0eb7-463e-bacd-a430319e2c44","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"How do Marxists explain class inequality in official crime statistics?","back":"

Capitalism is criminogenic: inequality, competition and materialism.
Law protects ruling-class interests.
Working-class crime is more heavily policed.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Capitalism is criminogenic: inequality, competition and materialism.
Law protects ruling-class interests.
Working-class crime is more heavily policed.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Marxists argue that capitalism encourages crime through inequality and competition, while ruling-class influence shapes law and enforcement so working-class offending becomes more visible in official statistics."},{"text":"

Capitalism creates consensus: equality, cooperation and security.
Law protects shared interests.
Upper-class crime is more heavily policed.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reflects a consensus view rather than Marxism and reverses enforcement patterns. Marxists see capitalism as criminogenic, law as protecting ruling-class interests, and working-class crime as more heavily policed."},{"text":"

Capitalism is meritocratic: effort, mobility and fairness.
Law protects working-class interests.
Corporate crime is more heavily policed.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Marxists reject the claim that capitalism is fair or that law primarily protects workers. They argue that ruling-class interests dominate and working-class crime receives greater police attention."},{"text":"

Capitalism is crime-reducing: prosperity, order and stability.
Law protects classless interests.
Middle-class crime is more heavily policed.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This contradicts the Marxist view that capitalist inequality, competition and materialism generate crime. Marxists also argue that law serves ruling-class interests and enforcement concentrates on working-class offending."}]},{"id":"9d0eb5fc-ee42-43a8-93ea-db9dffccf65d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What has happened to many traditional volume crimes since the mid-1990s?","back":"They have generally fallen, but crime has changed form.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They have generally fallen, but crime has changed form.","correct":true,"explanation":"Many traditional volume crimes, including burglary and vehicle crime, have declined since the mid-1990s. Crime has nevertheless evolved, with newer forms such as online fraud becoming more significant."},{"text":"They have generally increased, while crime has remained unchanged.","correct":false,"explanation":"Many traditional high-volume offences have declined since the mid-1990s rather than increased. However, this does not mean crime disappeared, because offending has shifted towards forms such as cybercrime."},{"text":"They have generally stabilised, and crime has stayed the same.","correct":false,"explanation":"The broad long-term trend is a fall in many traditional volume crimes, not simple stability. The nature of offending has also changed, particularly through technological and online opportunities."},{"text":"They have generally disappeared, because crime has been prevented.","correct":false,"explanation":"A decline does not mean traditional volume crime has vanished or that all crime is prevented. Such offences have generally fallen, while criminal activity has developed new forms."}]},{"id":"139c97bb-d800-4519-9d39-107883cbede5","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Intersectionality means class, gender and ethnicity [ ], shaping different experiences of policing and victimisation.","back":"Intersectionality means class, gender and ethnicity overlap, shaping different experiences of policing and victimisation.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"overlap","correct":true,"explanation":"Intersectionality examines how class, gender and ethnicity overlap rather than acting independently. Their combined effects shape people’s distinct experiences of inequality, policing and victimisation."},{"text":"separate","correct":false,"explanation":"Intersectionality rejects the idea that class, gender and ethnicity separate into isolated influences. They overlap, producing combined social positions and different experiences of policing and victimisation."},{"text":"alternate","correct":false,"explanation":"Intersectional inequalities do not simply take turns influencing people’s experiences. Class, gender and ethnicity overlap simultaneously, creating social experiences that cannot be understood through one category alone."},{"text":"cancel","correct":false,"explanation":"Different inequalities do not normally cancel one another out. Intersectionality argues that class, gender and ethnicity overlap, often creating distinctive or intensified experiences of policing and victimisation."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Social distribution of crime","title":"Social distribution of crime Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/aqa/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"ec95a97c-211b-5fa1-85e0-8c6fe2cbfcc9","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]