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travel.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"interconnected","correct":true,"explanation":"Globalisation increases links and mutual dependence between societies through communication technologies, international trade, migration and travel, making them increasingly interconnected."},{"text":"isolated","correct":false,"explanation":"Isolation means having fewer links with other societies, which reverses the process described. Globalisation makes societies increasingly interconnected through technology, trade and travel."},{"text":"homogeneous","correct":false,"explanation":"Cultural homogenisation can be an effect of globalisation, but it is not its defining feature here. The missing term is interconnected because societies become more closely linked."},{"text":"independent","correct":false,"explanation":"Globalisation increases interdependence rather than making societies independent of one another. The correct term is interconnected because global networks link societies together."}]},{"id":"d1263f07-4712-419a-a1e7-91692de65e4b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Castells (1998): what has globalisation created in crime?","back":"A global criminal economy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"A global criminal economy.","correct":true,"explanation":"Castells argued that globalisation has enabled criminal activities and markets to operate across national borders, creating a global criminal economy."},{"text":"A global village.","correct":false,"explanation":"The global village describes increased worldwide communication, not Castells's specific argument about crime. He argued that globalisation created a global criminal economy."},{"text":"A borderless legal system.","correct":false,"explanation":"Legal systems remain largely controlled by individual states, despite greater international cooperation. Castells instead identified the development of a global criminal economy."},{"text":"A decline in organised crime.","correct":false,"explanation":"Globalisation has expanded opportunities for organised crime rather than causing it to decline. Castells described the resulting cross-border system as a global criminal economy."}]},{"id":"af3a97c1-297d-404d-b44a-3566b0b1cda8","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Castells estimated the global criminal economy is worth over [ ] per year.","back":"Castells estimated the global criminal economy is worth over £1 trillion per year.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"£1 trillion","correct":true,"explanation":"Castells estimated that the global criminal economy generated more than £1 trillion each year, illustrating the enormous scale of transnational crime."},{"text":"£100 billion","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses hundreds of billions with the higher trillion-pound estimate. Castells placed the global criminal economy's annual value at over £1 trillion."},{"text":"£10 trillion","correct":false,"explanation":"This adds an extra factor of ten and substantially overstates Castells's estimate. His stated figure was over £1 trillion per year."},{"text":"£1 billion","correct":false,"explanation":"This mistakes billions for trillions, making the estimate one thousand times too small. Castells estimated a value of over £1 trillion annually."}]},{"id":"ec908916-06b1-4ecc-9a35-7b2272efc03e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How does 'glocal' crime link local crime to globalisation?","back":"Local criminal networks depend on global connections.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Local criminal networks depend on global connections.","correct":true,"explanation":"Glocal crime combines local activity with global networks, as local offenders rely on international connections for markets, resources, communication or illegal goods."},{"text":"Local criminal networks depend only on local relationships.","correct":false,"explanation":"This ignores the global component of glocal crime. Local criminal networks depend on global connections for resources, markets or cross-border opportunities."},{"text":"Local criminal networks are weakened by global connections.","correct":false,"explanation":"Global links can expand criminal opportunities rather than simply weakening local groups. Glocal crime means that local criminal networks depend on global connections."},{"text":"Local criminal networks operate without cross-border links.","correct":false,"explanation":"Operating without cross-border links would make the crime purely local, not glocal. Glocal crime involves local criminal networks depending on global connections."}]},{"id":"d2669dd9-72b8-40cb-ac6d-3ce6ca64696b","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Beck's risk society is shaped by man-made [ ], such as global warming or cyber warfare.","back":"Beck's risk society is shaped by man-made manufactured risks, such as global warming or cyber warfare.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"manufactured risks","correct":true,"explanation":"Beck used manufactured risks for dangers produced by human activity and technological development, including environmental damage, cyber warfare and nuclear accidents."},{"text":"natural hazards","correct":false,"explanation":"Natural hazards originate independently of human decision-making, whereas Beck focused on manufactured risks created by modern society, such as global warming and cyber warfare."},{"text":"external threats","correct":false,"explanation":"External threats is too general and does not identify their human-made origin. Beck called dangers created by modern human activity manufactured risks."},{"text":"social inequalities","correct":false,"explanation":"Social inequalities concern unequal access to resources and opportunities, not Beck's category for human-created dangers. He described these dangers as manufactured risks."}]},{"id":"ce41e5b2-b958-47b1-8457-dd56d0283328","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What can media-fuelled global risk consciousness lead the public to demand?","back":"Tougher border controls and state surveillance.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Tougher border controls and state surveillance.","correct":true,"explanation":"Media awareness of global threats can heighten public insecurity, producing demands for tougher border controls and greater state surveillance to manage perceived risks."},{"text":"Open borders and reduced state surveillance.","correct":false,"explanation":"These policies reduce state control and therefore run opposite to the response generated by fear of global risks. The expected demands are tougher border controls and state surveillance."},{"text":"Lower prison sentences and police disarmament.","correct":false,"explanation":"These measures would reduce punitive state power rather than respond to heightened insecurity. Global risk consciousness can generate demands for tougher border controls and state surveillance."},{"text":"Trade deregulation and corporate tax cuts.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are economic policies rather than security responses to perceived global danger. Media-fuelled risk consciousness can prompt demands for tougher border controls and state surveillance."}]},{"id":"d1b188fb-5419-4338-9794-b995cc1c34a2","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents [ ] and [ ] crimes.","back":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents violent and sexual crimes.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents violent and sexual crimes.","correct":true,"explanation":"Ditton and Duffy found that violent and sexual offences receive disproportionate media attention compared with their actual frequency in official crime patterns."},{"text":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents property and sexual crimes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Property crime is relatively common but was not one of the two categories identified as disproportionately reported. Ditton and Duffy identified violent and sexual crimes."},{"text":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents violent and financial crimes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Financial crime is often under-reported because it lacks the drama and personalisation favoured by news reporting. The over-represented categories were violent and sexual crimes."},{"text":"Ditton and Duffy found the media over-represents property and financial crimes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Neither category matches Ditton and Duffy's finding, and routine property crime often receives limited coverage. They found that violent and sexual crimes were over-represented."}]},{"id":"33e35378-48b6-4ade-aca9-b206577326c7","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Why do violent and sexual crimes dominate media coverage despite being rare?","back":"They fit media news values.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They fit media news values.","correct":true,"explanation":"Violent and sexual crimes meet news values such as drama, conflict, negativity and personalisation, making them attractive to journalists despite their relative rarity."},{"text":"They fit media legal obligations.","correct":false,"explanation":"Media organisations are not legally required to prioritise violent and sexual offences. These crimes dominate because they fit news values such as drama and negativity."},{"text":"They fit media statistical patterns.","correct":false,"explanation":"Their prominence does not reflect their statistical frequency because they are comparatively rare. They dominate coverage because they fit media news values."},{"text":"They fit media reporting quotas.","correct":false,"explanation":"News organisations do not generally follow quotas requiring coverage of these offences. Violent and sexual crimes dominate because they strongly fit media news values."}]},{"id":"3a1362da-45ab-42db-bca5-5edb34afe27b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which news value presents events as 'pure evil' versus 'innocent victim'?","back":"Simplification.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Simplification.","correct":true,"explanation":"Simplification presents complex events through clear oppositions, such as good versus evil or an innocent victim versus an evil offender, making the story easier to understand."},{"text":"Personalisation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Personalisation makes news accessible by focusing on particular individuals rather than abstract issues. The good-versus-evil contrast is simplification because it reduces complexity to opposing categories."},{"text":"Immediacy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Immediacy gives priority to recent or rapidly developing events. Presenting people as purely evil or wholly innocent instead reflects simplification of a complex situation."},{"text":"Continuity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Continuity keeps an event newsworthy because it is already an established story. The division between evil offenders and innocent victims is the news value of simplification."}]},{"id":"690a25d2-30d7-47d6-9e63-8a86604b19dd","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"A moral panic is an exaggerated over-reaction to a perceived threat, often fuelled by [ ].","back":"A moral panic is an exaggerated over-reaction to a perceived threat, often fuelled by sensationalist media reporting.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"sensationalist media reporting","correct":true,"explanation":"Sensationalist media reporting exaggerates and dramatises a perceived threat, increasing public fear and hostility beyond what is justified by the threat's actual scale."},{"text":"objective statistical analysis","correct":false,"explanation":"Objective statistical analysis should provide proportionate evidence rather than exaggeration. Moral panics are commonly fuelled by sensationalist media reporting that magnifies a perceived threat."},{"text":"informal social control","correct":false,"explanation":"Informal social control involves pressure from families, communities and peers to encourage conformity. Moral panics are instead fuelled by sensationalist media reporting that exaggerates danger."},{"text":"long-term social research","correct":false,"explanation":"Long-term social research can place a threat in context and challenge exaggerated claims. Sensationalist media reporting fuels moral panics by amplifying fear and concern."}]},{"id":"64c0ebd3-6f77-4043-8be0-309b1c31c616","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In Cohen's deviancy amplification spiral, what follows media exaggeration?","back":"Public concern increases.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Public concern increases.","correct":true,"explanation":"Media exaggeration makes the deviant group appear more threatening than it is, so public concern rises and creates pressure for stronger action by control agencies."},{"text":"Public indifference increases.","correct":false,"explanation":"Media exaggeration is intended to attract attention and heighten fear, not produce indifference. In Cohen's spiral, public concern increases after exaggerated reporting."},{"text":"Media restraint increases.","correct":false,"explanation":"The spiral involves increasingly dramatic reporting rather than media restraint. Media exaggeration first increases public concern, which then encourages a stronger official response."},{"text":"Official tolerance increases.","correct":false,"explanation":"Officials face pressure to respond more harshly rather than becoming more tolerant. Immediately after media exaggeration, public concern increases and demands for control grow."}]},{"id":"7b13568f-58a0-4e90-92f7-2959c0a540ad","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can police crackdowns intensify deviance in Cohen's spiral?","back":"Heavy policing pushes youths into more defensive, deviant positions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Heavy policing pushes youths into more defensive, deviant positions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Intense policing makes youths feel threatened and unfairly targeted, encouraging solidarity and resistance. This can strengthen their deviant identity and amplify the behaviour authorities sought to control."},{"text":"Heavy policing pushes youths into more compliant, conformist positions.","correct":false,"explanation":"This assumes crackdowns straightforwardly deter deviance. Cohen argues that hostile policing can instead make youths more defensive and push them towards stronger deviant identities and behaviour."},{"text":"Heavy policing pushes youths into less defensive, non-deviant positions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Heavy policing can increase feelings of persecution rather than reducing defensiveness. Cohen's spiral predicts that youths adopt more defensive, deviant positions in response."},{"text":"Heavy policing pushes youths into more trusting, police-supportive positions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Aggressive crackdowns are likely to increase hostility and mistrust towards the police. They can push youths into more defensive, deviant positions, intensifying the original problem."}]},{"id":"1916b95c-db9f-4246-9032-69c57ff35fd9","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"A moral panic is disproportionate to the actual level of [ ].","back":"A moral panic is disproportionate to the actual level of threat or crime.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"threat or crime","correct":true,"explanation":"A moral panic involves social concern and hostility that greatly exceed the real scale or seriousness of the threat or crime being reported."},{"text":"media coverage","correct":false,"explanation":"Media coverage may help create a moral panic, but it is not the measure against which disproportionality is judged. The reaction exceeds the actual threat or crime."},{"text":"public concern","correct":false,"explanation":"Public concern is part of the reaction being described, not the underlying reality used for comparison. A moral panic is disproportionate to the actual threat or crime."},{"text":"police intervention","correct":false,"explanation":"Police intervention may result from a moral panic and contribute to deviancy amplification. Disproportionality refers to the gap between the reaction and the actual threat or crime."}]},{"id":"e2dbd45e-17e0-4a66-b982-fd9eccb46709","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What would traditional criminology do if rainforest destruction were legal?","back":"It would not classify it as crime.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It would not classify it as crime.","correct":true,"explanation":"Traditional criminology generally uses the criminal law to define crime. If rainforest destruction is legal, it falls outside this legal definition despite the harm caused."},{"text":"It would classify it as crime despite its legality.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses traditional criminology with green criminology's harm-based approach. Traditional criminology would not classify legal rainforest destruction as crime because no criminal law has been broken."},{"text":"It would treat all environmental harm as crime.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating environmental harm as crime regardless of legality reflects green criminology, not the traditional legal definition. Traditional criminology would not classify legal destruction as crime."},{"text":"It would judge it by social harm alone.","correct":false,"explanation":"A harm-based judgement is associated with zemiology and green criminology. Traditional criminology focuses on breaches of criminal law, so legal rainforest destruction is not classified as crime."}]},{"id":"0abdb11b-f236-4754-9a37-6e48e17be340","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What would green criminology do if environmental harm were legal?","back":"It counts as crime if it causes environmental or social harm.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It counts as crime if it causes environmental or social harm.","correct":true,"explanation":"Green criminology uses a harm-based definition that extends beyond criminal law. Legal actions may therefore count as crimes when they damage ecosystems, communities or human wellbeing."},{"text":"It counts as crime only if it is prohibited by criminal law.","correct":false,"explanation":"This applies traditional criminology's legal definition and ignores legal but harmful conduct. Green criminology counts conduct as crime when it causes environmental or social harm."},{"text":"It counts as crime only if it causes direct harm to individual humans.","correct":false,"explanation":"This is an overly anthropocentric definition because green criminology also recognises damage to ecosystems and non-human species. Environmental or social harm is sufficient even without direct individual injury."},{"text":"It counts as crime only if it is committed deliberately for profit.","correct":false,"explanation":"Green criminology does not require a profit motive or deliberate intent. The central issue is whether conduct causes environmental or social harm, even when it remains legal."}]},{"id":"9dd87a29-617f-48fa-8abb-be7969c86245","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Green criminology focuses on [ ], the study of social and environmental harms.","back":"Green criminology focuses on zemiology, the study of social and environmental harms.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"zemiology","correct":true,"explanation":"Zemiology is the study of social harm. Green criminology uses this broader approach to examine environmental and social damage even when the conduct is not legally defined as criminal."},{"text":"victimology","correct":false,"explanation":"Victimology studies victims, victimisation and society's responses to victims. Zemiology is the term for studying social and environmental harms beyond formal legal definitions of crime."},{"text":"penology","correct":false,"explanation":"Penology studies punishment, prisons and the management of offenders. Green criminology's study of wider social and environmental harms is called zemiology."},{"text":"criminology","correct":false,"explanation":"Criminology broadly studies crime, offending and social responses to crime. The more specific study of social and environmental harms, including legal harms, is zemiology."}]},{"id":"523bef4f-062f-4f59-ab1a-6a9cf2621bc8","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"For South (2014), why is deforestation a primary green crime?","back":"It directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources.","correct":true,"explanation":"Primary green crimes directly damage the environment. Deforestation removes forests, destroys habitats and depletes natural resources, so it constitutes direct environmental destruction."},{"text":"It violates regulations controlling hazardous waste disposal.","correct":false,"explanation":"Breaking environmental regulations characterises secondary green crime, not the primary harm caused by deforestation. Deforestation is primary because it directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources."},{"text":"It is authorised by national governments and corporations.","correct":false,"explanation":"Whether governments or corporations authorise an activity does not determine its classification. Deforestation is a primary green crime because it directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources."},{"text":"It occurs mainly within poor and developing countries.","correct":false,"explanation":"Geographical location does not distinguish primary from secondary green crime. Deforestation is primary because it directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources wherever it occurs."}]},{"id":"732dd591-ee30-4360-8838-48559daa18f8","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"For South (2014), why is illegal hazardous waste dumping secondary green crime?","back":"It flouts rules preventing environmental disaster.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It flouts rules preventing environmental disaster.","correct":true,"explanation":"Secondary green crimes arise when environmental rules are ignored or broken. Illegal hazardous waste dumping breaches regulations intended to prevent pollution and environmental disaster."},{"text":"It directly destroys or degrades Earth's resources.","correct":false,"explanation":"Direct environmental destruction describes primary green crime rather than the defining basis of secondary crime. Illegal dumping is secondary because it flouts rules designed to prevent environmental disaster."},{"text":"It is committed by states rather than individuals.","correct":false,"explanation":"The offender's identity does not determine whether a green crime is secondary. Illegal hazardous waste dumping is secondary because it breaches rules intended to prevent environmental disaster."},{"text":"It takes place beyond the reach of national law.","correct":false,"explanation":"Secondary green crime is not defined by occurring outside legal jurisdiction. Illegal dumping is secondary precisely because it flouts environmental rules designed to prevent disaster."}]},{"id":"3447f93c-07bd-4f62-86b5-abbb1e6b0584","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Green and Ward define state crime as illegal or deviant activity by, or with complicity of, [ ].","back":"Green and Ward define state crime as illegal or deviant activity by, or with complicity of, state agencies.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"state agencies","correct":true,"explanation":"Green and Ward define state crime by the involvement or complicity of state agencies, including organisations such as governments, police forces and the military."},{"text":"private corporations","correct":false,"explanation":"Corporate involvement alone would indicate corporate crime rather than state crime. Green and Ward's definition specifically requires activity by, or with the complicity of, state agencies."},{"text":"media organisations","correct":false,"explanation":"Media organisations may conceal or legitimise state wrongdoing, but they do not define it. Green and Ward specify illegal or deviant activity involving state agencies."},{"text":"individual offenders","correct":false,"explanation":"An individual's deviance is not automatically state crime, even if serious. Green and Ward's definition requires the activity or complicity of state agencies."}]},{"id":"55ac6ae0-8d46-414b-af98-40efe26b75fb","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can state crime cause harm on a huge scale?","back":"States control vast resources and military power.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"States control vast resources and military power.","correct":true,"explanation":"Control of extensive finances, institutions, personnel and armed forces gives states the capacity to organise violence or repression affecting very large populations."},{"text":"States control all global media reporting.","correct":false,"explanation":"States may influence or censor media, but they do not control all global reporting. Their capacity for enormous harm comes from vast resources and military power."},{"text":"States are exempt from international law.","correct":false,"explanation":"States are subject to international law, although enforcement may be weak. State crime can cause immense harm because states command vast resources and military power."},{"text":"States act through isolated individual offenders.","correct":false,"explanation":"Treating state crime as isolated individual misconduct understates its institutional character. Its scale comes from states' control over vast resources and military power."}]},{"id":"199213e7-d679-4f60-a17d-7e5a5636c9eb","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can states make their own harmful acts appear legal?","back":"They can rewrite national laws.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They can rewrite national laws.","correct":true,"explanation":"Because states create and amend domestic law, they can redefine harmful conduct as lawful, allowing actions to appear legitimate within their own legal systems."},{"text":"They can ignore all international scrutiny.","correct":false,"explanation":"Avoiding scrutiny may help conceal an act, but it does not make the act legally permissible. States can create apparent legality by rewriting national laws."},{"text":"They can erase evidence from public records.","correct":false,"explanation":"Destroying records could hide wrongdoing, but concealment is not the same as legalisation. States make harmful conduct appear legal by rewriting national laws."},{"text":"They can transfer responsibility to individuals.","correct":false,"explanation":"Blaming individual officials may disguise institutional responsibility, but it does not change an act's legal status. States can make conduct appear legal by rewriting national laws."}]},{"id":"fd05bbf8-91fc-4f82-a2fc-33df1ac8cc93","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do the Schwendingers bypass the problem of state-defined legality?","back":"Define crime as violations of basic human rights.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Define crime as violations of basic human rights.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Schwendingers use a human-rights definition of crime, allowing harmful state actions to be condemned even when the state has declared those actions lawful."},{"text":"Define crime as acts prohibited by domestic law.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relying on domestic law preserves the state-defined legality problem because states can legalise their own harmful conduct. The Schwendingers instead focus on violations of basic human rights."},{"text":"Define crime as behaviour condemned by public opinion.","correct":false,"explanation":"Public opinion varies and may tolerate serious state harm, so it is not the Schwendingers' standard. They define crime through violations of basic human rights."},{"text":"Define crime as actions punished by international courts.","correct":false,"explanation":"Many human-rights violations never reach an international court, so punishment is too narrow a criterion. The Schwendingers define crime as violations of basic human rights."}]},{"id":"4d37bca1-02a5-4e21-a510-74843d3d5cb9","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Cohen's spiral of denial: what is Stage 1?","back":"It didn't happen.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It didn't happen.","correct":true,"explanation":"Stage 1 is literal denial: the state or offender rejects the claim entirely by insisting that the alleged event or wrongdoing never occurred."},{"text":"If it happened, it's something else.","correct":false,"explanation":"Relabelling an acknowledged event is Stage 2, known as interpretive denial. Stage 1 is literal denial, expressed as the claim that it didn't happen."},{"text":"Even if true, it was justified.","correct":false,"explanation":"Justifying acknowledged conduct is a later form of denial rather than Stage 1. The spiral begins with literal denial: the claim that it didn't happen."},{"text":"It happened, but no one was harmed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Minimising the consequences accepts that the event occurred, so it cannot be Stage 1. Stage 1 rejects the event altogether by claiming it didn't happen."}]},{"id":"66d65182-351a-4288-8c9e-12afe04d16e4","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Cohen's spiral of denial: what is Stage 2?","back":"If it happened, it's something else.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"If it happened, it's something else.","correct":true,"explanation":"Stage 2 moves from denying the event to reinterpreting it. The conduct may be acknowledged, but its meaning is changed so it is not recognised as wrongdoing."},{"text":"It didn't happen.","correct":false,"explanation":"Complete rejection of the event is Stage 1, or literal denial. Stage 2 instead claims that if the event occurred, it was something else."},{"text":"Even if it happened, it was justified.","correct":false,"explanation":"Presenting wrongdoing as justified is a later movement in the spiral. Stage 2 uses interpretive denial by claiming that the event was actually something else."},{"text":"It happened, but no one was harmed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Minimising harm does not capture Stage 2's relabelling of the event. Stage 2 concedes possible occurrence but claims that it was something else."}]},{"id":"b4a39cd5-5c32-4e57-b1c5-1ac6e65dedf9","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Cohen's spiral of denial: what is Stage 3?","back":"It was justified.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It was justified.","correct":true,"explanation":"Stage 3 accepts that the event occurred and was described accurately, but denies wrongdoing by claiming that the actions were necessary or morally justified."},{"text":"It did not happen.","correct":false,"explanation":"Claiming that an event never occurred is Stage 1, known as literal denial. Stage 3 instead accepts the event but maintains that it was justified."},{"text":"It was misrepresented.","correct":false,"explanation":"Arguing that events have been misrepresented belongs to Stage 2, or interpretive denial. Stage 3 goes further by accepting what happened while claiming it was justified."},{"text":"It was our responsibility.","correct":false,"explanation":"Accepting responsibility would end the process of denial rather than continue it. In Stage 3, perpetrators acknowledge the action but defend it by arguing that it was justified."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-14","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Globalisation, media and state crimes","title":"Globalisation, media and state crimes Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/sociology/aqa/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"eff23333-555a-5088-a57d-2d451292aa6a","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]