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3b:T635,- Explains Pennington and Hastie's Story Model of evidence presentation, where organizing evidence chronologically aids narrative processing B1 - Identifies how extra-legal factors (e.g., physical attractiveness, gender, status) can bias juror decision-making B1 - Explains how negative pre-trial publicity creates cognitive schema biases that distort interpretation of trial evidence B1 - Details how jurors struggle with complex expert/scientific testimony, often relying on peripheral heuristic cues B1 - Suggests applying the Story Model to Beatrice's scenario by mandating chronological narrative evidence presentation by legal counsels A1 - Applies solutions to scenario biases, suggesting blind trials, strict instructions, thorough jury screening (*voir dire*), or change of venue to mitigate pre-trial publicity A1 - Addresses Beatrice's concerns about scientific evidence by suggesting structured visual aids, written glossaries, or structured juror note-taking A1 - Evaluates suggestions using the low ecological validity of mock-jury research (e.g., lack of real-world consequences and shorter trial lengths) M1 - Evaluates suggestions by discussing the "backfire/boomerang effect" (Wegner's ironic processes) where judicial instructions can draw more attention to biased information M1 - Evaluates suggestions through systemic/practical constraints, such as constitutional representation rights or existing legal frameworks M13c:T8c0,- Outlines that cognitive research in courtrooms often uses mock trial methodologies to simulate legal decision-making B1 - Identifies independent variables studied, such as defendant characteristics (e.g. attractiveness, accent, race) B1 - Explains the legal restrictions (such as the Contempt of Court Act in the UK) that make direct observation of real deliberations illegal B1 - Describes the typical stimulus materials used, such as written transcripts, audio recordings, or brief videotapes of trials B1 - Identifies the common reliance on student convenience samples who differ significantly from actual jury pools B1 - Discusses the limitation that mock jurors experience no real-world consequences, eliminating the psychological weight and stress of sentencing M1 - Evaluates how brief stimulus materials lack the density, cognitive load, and cross-examinations of real trials that last weeks M1 - Critiques the lack of deliberation in many mock studies, where individual verdicts are given instead of group consensus M1 - Analyses how the sterile laboratory environment removes the social pressure and group dynamics of an actual jury room M1 - Evaluates the demographic differences of student samples (younger, more liberal, highly educated) which compromises population validity M1 - Argues that laboratory experiments allow high control over confounding variables, establishing clear cause-and-effect relationships A1 - Explains that mock designs prevent ethical issues associated with disrupting real legal proceedings A1 - Points out that high-fidelity simulations (e.g. using real courtrooms and representative local citizens) can successfully mitigate ecological validity concerns A1 - Discusses how certain cognitive processes (e.g. halo effect, story model of decision-making) are fundamental human heuristics likely to generalise despite simulated conditions A1 - Concludes by balancing scientific rigor against ecological realism, showing how both are necessary to safely inform legal reform C13d:T699,- Identifies the aim of Castellow et al. (1990) to investigate how physical attractiveness of both the defendant and plaintiff affects mock jury decisions in a sexual harassment case. B1 - Describes the participant sample consisting of $145$ university students ($71$ male and $74$ female) acting as mock jurors. B1 - Explains the $2 \times 2$ factorial design with four conditions crossing attractive/unattractive defendants with attractive/unattractive plaintiffs. B1 - Outlines the procedure where participants read a case summary of a sexual harassment trial and viewed photographs pre-rated for attractiveness. M1 - States the finding that when the defendant was attractive and the plaintiff was unattractive, the guilty rate was lowest at $41\%$. A1 - States the finding that when the defendant was unattractive and the plaintiff was attractive, the guilty rate was highest at $83\%$. A1 - Demonstrates how attractive defendants are generally found guilty less often than unattractive ones, showing a main effect of attractiveness. M1 - Explains this finding using cognitive concepts, such as the 'halo effect', where physical beauty is unconsciously associated with moral goodness and social desirability. M1 - Explains how a contrast effect (interaction) occurs when an unattractive defendant is judged against an attractive victim, heightening perceived culpability. A1 - Structure and terminology: explanation is coherent, uses relevant terms (e.g., 'halo effect', 'mock trial', 'interaction') and directly answers the prompt. 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Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive)

Question 7

Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive) Questions

Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive)

Question 7

Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive) Questions