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accent, can influence jurors even though they are not evidence relevant to deciding the case."},{"text":"Evidential factors","correct":false,"explanation":"Evidential factors are part of the information formally presented in the case. The correct term is extra-legal factors because these can influence jurors without being legal evidence."},{"text":"Judicial directions","correct":false,"explanation":"Judicial directions are legal instructions given by the judge rather than influences outside the evidence. Extra-legal factors affect jurors despite not forming part of the legal evidence."},{"text":"Legal arguments","correct":false,"explanation":"Legal arguments are formally presented in court and therefore belong to the legal proceedings. Extra-legal factors are influences on jurors that are not part of the evidence."}]},{"id":"fb77a8cc-269e-44ac-a544-d4df33901e96","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is courtroom decision making a cognitive topic?","back":"Jurors process evidence through memory, attention, expectations and beliefs.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Jurors process evidence through memory, attention, expectations and beliefs.","correct":true,"explanation":"Courtroom decision making is cognitive because jurors interpret and evaluate evidence using mental processes such as memory, attention, expectations and pre-existing beliefs."},{"text":"Jurors learn verdicts through reinforcement, punishment, conditioning and imitation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Reinforcement, punishment and conditioning belong mainly to behavioural explanations. Courtroom decision making is cognitive because jurors process evidence through memory, attention, expectations and beliefs."},{"text":"Jurors reach verdicts through hormones, brain structures, genetics and evolution.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hormones, brain structures and genetics describe a biological approach. The topic is cognitive because jurors process evidence using memory, attention, expectations and beliefs."},{"text":"Jurors follow others through conformity, obedience, social roles and group pressure.","correct":false,"explanation":"Conformity, obedience and group pressure are primarily social processes. Courtroom decision making is cognitive because jurors process evidence through memory, attention, expectations and beliefs."}]},{"id":"84955f4b-11ef-40ba-bd83-223c0cfaac32","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"A [ ] is a mental framework; a [ ] is a simplified belief about a group.","back":"A schema is a mental framework; a stereotype is a simplified belief about a group.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"A schema is a mental framework; a stereotype is a simplified belief about a group.","correct":true,"explanation":"A schema organises knowledge and expectations as a mental framework. A stereotype is a specific, simplified generalisation about the characteristics of members of a social group."},{"text":"A heuristic is a mental framework; a prejudice is a simplified belief about a group.","correct":false,"explanation":"A heuristic is a mental shortcut, while prejudice is an attitude or feeling towards a group. A schema is a mental framework and a stereotype is a simplified group belief."},{"text":"A prototype is a mental framework; a discrimination is a simplified belief about a group.","correct":false,"explanation":"A prototype is a typical example, while discrimination is behaviour directed towards group members. The correct concepts are schema for a mental framework and stereotype for a simplified group belief."},{"text":"A attribution is a mental framework; a social identity is a simplified belief about a group.","correct":false,"explanation":"An attribution explains the cause of behaviour, while social identity concerns group membership and self-concept. A schema is a mental framework and a stereotype is a simplified group belief."}]},{"id":"05de05ff-346a-490a-a287-dbb4e3e9a862","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What mistaken judgement may jurors make about a confident witness?","back":"Confidence may be mistaken for accuracy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Confidence may be mistaken for accuracy.","correct":true,"explanation":"Jurors may assume that a confident witness has an accurate memory, although confidence and accuracy do not necessarily correspond, particularly when confidence has been influenced after the event."},{"text":"Confidence may be mistaken for consistency.","correct":false,"explanation":"Consistency concerns whether an account remains stable over time and is not the judgement highlighted here. Jurors may mistakenly treat a witness’s confidence as evidence of accuracy."},{"text":"Confidence may be mistaken for expertise.","correct":false,"explanation":"Expertise depends on relevant knowledge or qualifications, not simply confident delivery. The recognised error is assuming that a confident witness must also be an accurate witness."},{"text":"Confidence may be mistaken for objectivity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Objectivity means avoiding personal bias and is not established by confident behaviour. Jurors may instead make the confidence-accuracy error by treating confidence as a sign of accuracy."}]},{"id":"da35322c-f5a1-4153-9535-44fb81fb1c1c","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In defendant judgement, what bias occurs when attractiveness leads jurors to assume honesty?","back":"The halo effect.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The halo effect.","correct":true,"explanation":"The halo effect occurs when one favourable characteristic, such as physical attractiveness, creates unjustified positive judgements about other traits, such as honesty or trustworthiness."},{"text":"The horn effect.","correct":false,"explanation":"The horn effect occurs when one negative characteristic produces broadly negative judgements. Assuming honesty from attractiveness is the halo effect because a positive quality colours other evaluations."},{"text":"The confirmation bias.","correct":false,"explanation":"Confirmation bias involves favouring information that supports an existing belief. Inferring honesty from an attractive appearance is specifically the halo effect, where one positive trait shapes wider judgement."},{"text":"The fundamental attribution error.","correct":false,"explanation":"The fundamental attribution error overemphasises dispositional causes of behaviour and neglects situational causes. Assuming an attractive defendant is honest is instead an example of the halo effect."}]},{"id":"99d74a50-2aa0-409a-857a-a9521f606188","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → [ ] → evidence interpretation → perceived [ ].","back":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → stereotype/schema → evidence interpretation → perceived credibility or guilt.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → stereotype/schema → evidence interpretation → perceived credibility or guilt.","correct":true,"explanation":"A characteristic can activate a stereotype or schema, which then shapes how jurors interpret evidence and ultimately affects their judgement of the person’s credibility or guilt."},{"text":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → legal instruction → evidence interpretation → perceived credibility or guilt.","correct":false,"explanation":"A legal instruction is formally supplied by the court rather than automatically activated by a personal characteristic. The mediating mental structure is a stereotype or schema."},{"text":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → stereotype/schema → evidence interpretation → perceived courtroom procedure.","correct":false,"explanation":"Schemas may alter judgements about a person, not perceptions of courtroom procedure. The pathway ends in perceived credibility or guilt after evidence has been interpreted through a stereotype or schema."},{"text":"Courtroom bias pathway: characteristic → working memory → evidence interpretation → perceived witness attendance.","correct":false,"explanation":"Working memory and witness attendance do not describe this bias pathway. A characteristic activates a stereotype or schema, influencing evidence interpretation and perceived credibility or guilt."}]},{"id":"427b66e4-f0c3-4274-ac81-5db0d1990d7e","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Dixon et al. (2002) investigate?","back":"Whether suspect accent and crime context affected perceived guilt.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Whether suspect accent and crime context affected perceived guilt.","correct":true,"explanation":"Dixon et al. manipulated the suspect’s accent and the context of the crime to test whether these extra-legal cues changed mock jurors’ perceptions of guilt."},{"text":"Whether suspect clothing and physical height affected eyewitness recall.","correct":false,"explanation":"Dixon et al. did not investigate clothing, height or eyewitness memory. They examined whether the suspect’s accent and the crime context influenced perceived guilt."},{"text":"Whether witness confidence and testimony order affected verdict severity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Witness confidence and testimony order concern different courtroom influences. Dixon et al. specifically tested whether suspect accent and crime context affected mock jurors’ perceptions of guilt."},{"text":"Whether judge accent and offence seriousness affected sentence length.","correct":false,"explanation":"The study focused on a suspect rather than a judge, and measured perceived guilt rather than sentence length. Its variables were suspect accent and crime context."}]},{"id":"c4dba478-63dd-4c8b-9dae-e5c1aa32a156","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What research method did Dixon et al. use?","back":"A laboratory experiment with mock jurors.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"A laboratory experiment with mock jurors.","correct":true,"explanation":"Dixon et al. used a controlled laboratory experiment in which mock jurors encountered manipulated versions of the case, allowing the effects of accent and context to be compared."},{"text":"A field experiment with serving jurors.","correct":false,"explanation":"The research was not conducted in a real courtroom with serving jurors. Dixon et al. used a laboratory experiment with mock jurors under controlled conditions."},{"text":"A questionnaire study with convicted offenders.","correct":false,"explanation":"The study did not collect questionnaire responses from convicted offenders. It was a laboratory experiment using mock jurors to assess perceived guilt under manipulated conditions."},{"text":"A case study with practising judges.","correct":false,"explanation":"A case study would examine a small number of cases in depth, but Dixon et al. conducted a controlled laboratory experiment using mock jurors."}]},{"id":"ef1a43be-2d3e-4aa3-a60a-210e1cb1d528","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of [ ] [ ].","back":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of 119 British university students.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of 119 British university students.","correct":true,"explanation":"The study recruited 119 British university students through opportunity sampling, meaning participants were selected because they were readily available to the researchers."},{"text":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of 119 British police officers.","correct":false,"explanation":"Confusing the participant group with criminal justice professionals overlooks that the sample consisted of 119 British university students, recruited through opportunity sampling."},{"text":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of 199 British university students.","correct":false,"explanation":"This transposes the digits in the sample size. Dixon et al. used 119 British university students, not 199, in their opportunity sample."},{"text":"Dixon et al. used an opportunity sample of 119 American university students.","correct":false,"explanation":"The study concerned reactions to British accents and used 119 British university students. Describing the sample as American confuses its nationality."}]},{"id":"c86ab5e6-4472-40c9-ae83-18725981dfb7","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In Dixon et al., which IV used Birmingham vs standard English speech?","back":"The suspect’s accent.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The suspect’s accent.","correct":true,"explanation":"The researchers manipulated the suspect’s accent by presenting Birmingham-accented and standard-English versions of the speech, making accent one of the independent variables."},{"text":"The suspect’s gender.","correct":false,"explanation":"The contrast between Birmingham and standard English was a manipulation of the suspect’s accent, not gender. Gender was not what distinguished these speech conditions."},{"text":"The suspect’s guilt.","correct":false,"explanation":"Guilt was judged by participants rather than directly manipulated through the two speech versions. The independent variable distinguishing Birmingham from standard English was accent."},{"text":"The suspect’s appearance.","correct":false,"explanation":"The conditions differed in how the suspect sounded, not how the suspect looked. The manipulated independent variable was the suspect’s accent."}]},{"id":"6ff66280-63c0-4649-b40d-33f65a432bef","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In Dixon et al., which IV varied the crime scenario?","back":"The crime context.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The crime context.","correct":true,"explanation":"The scenario surrounding the alleged offence was varied as the crime context, allowing researchers to test whether the effect of accent changed between contexts."},{"text":"The suspect’s accent.","correct":false,"explanation":"Accent was a separate independent variable comparing Birmingham with standard English. The variable that altered the crime scenario itself was the crime context."},{"text":"The participant’s gender.","correct":false,"explanation":"Participant gender does not describe a variation in the alleged offence scenario. Dixon et al. manipulated the crime context alongside the suspect’s accent."},{"text":"The verdict’s severity.","correct":false,"explanation":"The study did not vary the severity of a verdict, as no real jury verdict was delivered. The scenario was varied through the crime context."}]},{"id":"32c41c01-d3be-4627-8814-5e95028df064","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What was the DV in Dixon et al.?","back":"Participants’ judgement of the suspect, including perceived guilt.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Participants’ judgement of the suspect, including perceived guilt.","correct":true,"explanation":"The dependent variable was participants’ evaluation of the suspect, particularly their perception of guilt, measured after exposure to the manipulated accent and crime context."},{"text":"Participants’ memory of the recording, including recalled words.","correct":false,"explanation":"Dixon et al. were investigating social judgements rather than recall accuracy. The dependent variable was participants’ judgement of the suspect, including perceived guilt."},{"text":"Participants’ choice of crime context, including scenario preference.","correct":false,"explanation":"Crime context was set by the researchers as an independent variable rather than chosen by participants. The measured outcome was judgement of the suspect, including perceived guilt."},{"text":"Participants’ recognition of the accent, including its regional origin.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although accent was manipulated, recognising its geographical origin was not the main measured outcome. The dependent variable was judgement of the suspect, including perceived guilt."}]},{"id":"851f099d-26c8-4921-9b2b-448621c850e7","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"In a matched-guise technique, the [ ] uses different accents, keeping the speaker [ ].","back":"In a matched-guise technique, the same speaker uses different accents, keeping the speaker constant.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"In a matched-guise technique, the same speaker uses different accents, keeping the speaker constant.","correct":true,"explanation":"Using one speaker for every accent controls differences in voice and delivery, so any change in listeners’ judgements can be attributed more confidently to accent."},{"text":"In a matched-guise technique, the same listener uses different accents, keeping the speaker constant.","correct":false,"explanation":"The technique controls the person producing the speech, not the person listening. The same speaker uses different accents, so the speaker remains constant."},{"text":"In a matched-guise technique, the same speaker uses different accents, keeping the speaker varied.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the essential control in matched-guise research. The same speaker performs the different accents, meaning the speaker is kept constant rather than varied."},{"text":"In a matched-guise technique, the same researcher uses different accents, keeping the speaker varied.","correct":false,"explanation":"Keeping the researcher involved does not control vocal characteristics, and varying speakers introduces a confounding variable. The same speaker must use different accents and remain constant."}]},{"id":"9fbfb9e0-6111-4a75-9c03-43bf411f35a2","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What was Dixon et al.’s key result about the Birmingham accent?","back":"It was judged more negatively in some contexts.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It was judged more negatively in some contexts.","correct":true,"explanation":"The Birmingham accent did not produce a uniform disadvantage. It led to more negative judgements in particular crime contexts, demonstrating that context moderated its effect."},{"text":"It was judged more positively in all contexts.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the direction and overgeneralises the finding. The Birmingham accent was judged more negatively, but only in some crime contexts."},{"text":"It was judged equally in every context.","correct":false,"explanation":"An equal judgement across contexts would indicate no interaction. Dixon et al. found that the Birmingham accent attracted more negative judgements in some contexts."},{"text":"It was judged more negatively in all contexts.","correct":false,"explanation":"This correctly recalls the negative direction but wrongly treats it as universal. The Birmingham accent was judged more negatively only in some crime contexts."}]},{"id":"3049df4d-267d-4e43-b636-0e1d556204b8","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What does an interaction effect mean in Dixon et al.?","back":"Accent’s effect depended on the crime context.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Accent’s effect depended on the crime context.","correct":true,"explanation":"An interaction occurs when one independent variable’s influence changes across levels of another. Here, the effect of accent differed according to the crime context."},{"text":"Accent’s effect was identical in every context.","correct":false,"explanation":"An identical effect across contexts would indicate no interaction between the variables. Dixon et al.’s interaction meant that accent’s effect depended on the crime context."},{"text":"Accent’s effect determined the crime context.","correct":false,"explanation":"An interaction does not mean that one independent variable causes the other. It means the influence of accent on judgements varied depending on crime context."},{"text":"Accent’s effect replaced the crime context.","correct":false,"explanation":"The two independent variables were considered together rather than one replacing the other. Their interaction showed that accent’s effect depended on the crime context."}]},{"id":"4fda7270-a6d0-400a-b63d-0c6c23665317","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Dixon et al. measured [ ], not actual [ ].","back":"Dixon et al. measured perceptions of guilt, not actual jury verdicts.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Dixon et al. measured perceptions of guilt, not actual jury verdicts.","correct":true,"explanation":"Participants reported judgements about how guilty the suspect appeared. They were not members of a real jury delivering legally binding verdicts."},{"text":"Dixon et al. measured actual guilt, not actual jury verdicts.","correct":false,"explanation":"The researchers could not establish whether the suspect was genuinely guilty. They measured participants’ perceptions of guilt rather than actual guilt or real jury verdicts."},{"text":"Dixon et al. measured perceptions of guilt, not actual crime statistics.","correct":false,"explanation":"Although perceptions of guilt were measured, the relevant limitation concerns the absence of real jury decisions, not crime statistics. The study did not measure actual jury verdicts."},{"text":"Dixon et al. measured memory accuracy, not actual jury verdicts.","correct":false,"explanation":"The outcome focused on evaluation of the suspect rather than recall of information. Dixon et al. measured perceptions of guilt, not actual jury verdicts."}]},{"id":"93b134c6-e674-49b3-abc0-1ec6c9a79b4d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why did Dixon et al.’s lab design improve internal validity?","back":"It standardised materials and manipulated variables systematically.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It standardised materials and manipulated variables systematically.","correct":true,"explanation":"Standardising the trial materials controlled extraneous variables, while systematic manipulation allowed differences in verdicts to be attributed more confidently to the independent variables."},{"text":"It recreated a real courtroom and allowed jurors to deliberate.","correct":false,"explanation":"Greater realism and deliberation would improve ecological validity, not internal validity. Internal validity was strengthened because Dixon et al. standardised materials and manipulated variables systematically."},{"text":"It used a representative sample and eliminated cultural stereotypes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Sample representativeness concerns population validity, and the study did not eliminate cultural stereotypes. Internal validity improved through standardised materials and systematic manipulation of variables."},{"text":"It revealed the hypothesis and allowed participants to respond freely.","correct":false,"explanation":"Revealing the hypothesis could create demand characteristics and reduce internal validity. Dixon et al. improved internal validity by standardising materials and manipulating variables systematically."}]},{"id":"cda24693-5ff6-4336-b47a-e5b1d35c1f95","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Dixon et al. have limited ecological validity?","back":"

Real juries hear more evidence.
They deliberate and face serious consequences.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Real juries hear more evidence.
They deliberate and face serious consequences.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Real trials involve much more evidence, group deliberation and meaningful consequences. Their absence makes the laboratory task less representative of genuine jury decision-making."},{"text":"

Real juries hear less evidence.
They decide individually without serious consequences.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the differences between laboratory and real jury settings. Actual jurors usually hear more evidence, deliberate collectively and make decisions carrying serious consequences."},{"text":"

Real juries hear identical evidence.
They deliberate without serious consequences.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Although real juries deliberate, they encounter more extensive evidence and serious consequences. These important differences from the experiment limit its ecological validity."},{"text":"

Real juries hear more evidence.
They decide individually and face no consequences.

","correct":false,"explanation":"The amount of evidence is correctly identified, but real jurors also deliberate and face serious consequences. Omitting these features misrepresents why ecological validity is limited."}]},{"id":"bce58e5e-09e3-401e-b4e2-8c8038387a60","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why might Dixon et al. be ethnocentric?","back":"Birmingham accent stereotypes are culturally specific to Britain.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Birmingham accent stereotypes are culturally specific to Britain.","correct":true,"explanation":"Associations attached to a Birmingham accent arise within a particular British cultural context, so the findings may not generalise to people from other cultures."},{"text":"Birmingham accent stereotypes are biologically universal across cultures.","correct":false,"explanation":"Accent stereotypes are culturally learned rather than biologically universal. The study may be ethnocentric because attitudes towards Birmingham accents are culturally specific to Britain."},{"text":"Birmingham accent stereotypes are culturally specific to America.","correct":false,"explanation":"A Birmingham accent belongs to a British cultural context, not an American one. Its culturally specific British associations may prevent the results from generalising cross-culturally."},{"text":"Birmingham accent stereotypes are equally understood in every culture.","correct":false,"explanation":"People in other cultures may not recognise or share British stereotypes about Birmingham accents. This cultural specificity is why the research may be ethnocentric."}]},{"id":"21a0db4c-2f93-46d4-a298-7c05ce9351f8","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage [ ] rather than quick [ ].","back":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage systematic processing rather than quick heuristic judgement.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage systematic processing rather than quick heuristic judgement.","correct":true,"explanation":"Instructions and checklists direct jurors to examine evidence methodically, encouraging effortful systematic processing instead of relying on rapid mental shortcuts and stereotypes."},{"text":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage heuristic processing rather than quick systematic judgement.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the two modes of thought. Checklists are intended to encourage careful systematic processing rather than quick heuristic judgement based on shortcuts."},{"text":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage emotional processing rather than quick factual judgement.","correct":false,"explanation":"Their purpose is not to promote emotional responses. They structure attention around evidence, encouraging systematic processing rather than quick heuristic judgement."},{"text":"Judicial instructions and checklists encourage automatic processing rather than quick analytical judgement.","correct":false,"explanation":"Automatic processing makes stereotypical shortcuts more likely, whereas instructions aim to slow jurors down. They encourage systematic processing rather than quick heuristic judgement."}]},{"id":"122a456f-28d5-4184-8853-32bfd3c6544c","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can a written decision checklist reduce accent bias?","back":"It forces verdicts to be justified using case facts.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It forces verdicts to be justified using case facts.","correct":true,"explanation":"Requiring jurors to connect their verdict to the evidence promotes systematic evaluation of case facts, reducing reliance on accent-based stereotypes and impressions."},{"text":"It forces verdicts to be justified using accent stereotypes.","correct":false,"explanation":"Using stereotypes would reinforce rather than reduce accent bias. A checklist reduces bias by requiring verdicts to be justified using relevant case facts."},{"text":"It forces verdicts to be justified using first impressions.","correct":false,"explanation":"First impressions often involve rapid heuristic judgements and may reflect accent bias. The checklist instead directs jurors to justify decisions using case facts."},{"text":"It forces verdicts to be justified using witness confidence.","correct":false,"explanation":"Witness confidence is not a reliable substitute for evidence and may mislead jurors. The checklist should make them justify verdicts using case facts."}]},{"id":"6895e6a5-9d05-43c0-8023-0714687199d2","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What can expert testimony tell jurors about witness confidence?","back":"Confidence does not always equal accuracy.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Confidence does not always equal accuracy.","correct":true,"explanation":"Witnesses can appear highly confident while recalling events inaccurately. Expert testimony can explain that confidence is not a consistently reliable indicator of eyewitness accuracy."},{"text":"Confidence always guarantees complete accuracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"High confidence can result from feedback, repetition or mistaken memory and does not guarantee accuracy. Expert testimony explains that confidence does not always equal accuracy."},{"text":"Low confidence always indicates greater accuracy.","correct":false,"explanation":"Neither low nor high confidence consistently establishes accuracy. Expert testimony should explain that a witness’s confidence does not always correspond to the correctness of their memory."},{"text":"Confidence cannot affect a jury’s decision.","correct":false,"explanation":"Jurors may find confident witnesses especially persuasive, even when their evidence is inaccurate. Expert testimony highlights that confidence does not always equal accuracy."}]},{"id":"c709f3b1-93ea-4a52-9ba9-a4d21904dfa1","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What ethical boundary limits witness familiarisation?","back":"Explain the process, but do not coach answers.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Explain the process, but do not coach answers.","correct":true,"explanation":"Familiarisation may reduce anxiety by explaining courtroom procedures, but shaping a witness’s answers risks contaminating testimony and undermining the integrity of their evidence."},{"text":"Explain the process, but do not describe the courtroom.","correct":false,"explanation":"Describing the courtroom is a legitimate part of familiarisation and can reduce anxiety. The ethical boundary is that witnesses must not be coached in what answers to give."},{"text":"Explain the process, but do not answer witness questions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Answering reasonable questions about procedure is permitted during familiarisation. The prohibited step is coaching answers, because this could alter or contaminate the witness’s testimony."},{"text":"Explain the process, but do not reduce witness anxiety.","correct":false,"explanation":"Reducing anxiety is an appropriate aim of familiarisation and can help witnesses communicate. The ethical limit is avoiding any coaching of their answers."}]},{"id":"d78c9695-9e38-4b89-8846-57bfa09d1eb7","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why may judicial instructions reduce but not remove bias?","back":"Some stereotypes operate automatically.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Some stereotypes operate automatically.","correct":true,"explanation":"Stereotypes can be activated rapidly and without conscious awareness, so instructions may encourage careful thought without completely preventing automatic bias from influencing judgement."},{"text":"Some stereotypes operate only when consciously chosen.","correct":false,"explanation":"Stereotypes do not always require a deliberate choice; some are activated automatically. Therefore, judicial instructions can reduce bias without necessarily removing it completely."},{"text":"Some stereotypes disappear immediately after a warning.","correct":false,"explanation":"A warning may encourage jurors to monitor their reasoning, but it cannot guarantee that implicit stereotypes disappear. Some stereotypical associations continue to operate automatically."},{"text":"Some stereotypes affect witnesses but never jurors.","correct":false,"explanation":"Jurors can also hold stereotypes that shape their interpretation of evidence. Instructions may not remove bias completely because some of these stereotypes operate automatically."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-18","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive)","title":"Psychology and the courtroom (Cognitive) Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/psychology/ocr/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"54a85f87-6c63-5742-8ecb-65c97e3a8952","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]