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which acts are crimes, and those laws differ between societies and change over time."},{"text":"Genes determine behaviour across cultures and historical periods.","correct":false,"explanation":"This treats offending as biologically fixed, ignoring cultural and historical differences in what is legally classified as criminal. The key reason is that laws vary across cultures and historical periods."},{"text":"Morality is identical across cultures and historical periods.","correct":false,"explanation":"Moral beliefs are not identical, and this does not explain criminal classification. Criminal behaviour is not fixed because laws vary across cultures and historical periods."},{"text":"Personality is stable across cultures and historical periods.","correct":false,"explanation":"Stable personality traits cannot determine whether an act is legally criminal in every society. The relevant explanation is that laws vary across cultures and historical periods."}]},{"id":"af838c31-d667-47d2-8d38-22c71210262c","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Criminal behaviour is best understood as [ ]: biological risks, personal characteristics and social environments can interact.","back":"Criminal behaviour is best understood as multi-factorial: biological risks, personal characteristics and social environments can interact.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"multi-factorial","correct":true,"explanation":"The term describes behaviour produced by interacting influences rather than one cause. Biological risks, personal characteristics and social environments can combine to affect offending."},{"text":"single-factor","correct":false,"explanation":"This suggests one influence explains offending, which ignores interactions between biology, personal characteristics and social environments. The correct term is multi-factorial because several influences can combine."},{"text":"environment-specific","correct":false,"explanation":"This limits the explanation to environmental causes and excludes biological and personal influences. The correct term is multi-factorial because offending reflects interacting biological, personal and social factors."},{"text":"genetically determined","correct":false,"explanation":"This implies that genes inevitably cause offending, overlooking personal and social influences. The correct term is multi-factorial because biological risks interact with characteristics and environments."}]},{"id":"240cb9f9-e547-48d2-a89c-8cb6818276a2","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"In twin research, what pattern suggests genetic influence on offending?","back":"Higher concordance in monozygotic than dizygotic twins.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Higher concordance in monozygotic than dizygotic twins.","correct":true,"explanation":"A higher concordance rate among monozygotic twins suggests genetic influence because they share more genetic material than dizygotic twins, while both types usually share environments."},{"text":"Higher concordance in dizygotic than monozygotic twins.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the expected genetic pattern: dizygotic twins share less genetic material than monozygotic twins. Genetic influence is suggested by higher concordance in monozygotic than dizygotic twins."},{"text":"Equal concordance in monozygotic and dizygotic twins.","correct":false,"explanation":"Equal concordance would provide little evidence that genetic similarity affects offending. The expected pattern suggesting genetic influence is higher concordance in monozygotic than dizygotic twins."},{"text":"Higher concordance in unrelated than monozygotic twins.","correct":false,"explanation":"Unrelated individuals do not share the greater genetic similarity expected to produce this pattern. Genetic influence is suggested when monozygotic twins show higher concordance than dizygotic twins."}]},{"id":"6850c109-f2ae-4012-9d31-171db9e42277","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What did Mednick et al. (1984) find in adoption research?","back":"Adopted children were more likely convicted if biological parents had convictions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Adopted children were more likely convicted if biological parents had convictions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Mednick et al. found that adoptees were more likely to be convicted when their biological parents had convictions, supporting a possible inherited contribution to offending."},{"text":"Adopted children were more likely convicted if adoptive parents had convictions.","correct":false,"explanation":"This confuses inherited influences with the rearing environment. Mednick et al. reported greater conviction likelihood when the adoptees’ biological parents, rather than adoptive parents, had convictions."},{"text":"Adopted children were more likely convicted if both sets of parents had no convictions.","correct":false,"explanation":"Having no convicted parents was not the reported risk pattern. The finding was that adopted children were more likely to be convicted when their biological parents had convictions."},{"text":"Adopted children were equally likely convicted whether biological parents had convictions.","correct":false,"explanation":"This removes the association reported in the adoption study. Mednick et al. found increased conviction likelihood among adoptees whose biological parents had convictions."}]},{"id":"ae2b888e-7083-4446-85c1-b60a5acf53d1","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Caspi et al. (2002): low [ ] predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood [ ].","back":"Caspi et al. (2002): low MAOA activity predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood maltreatment.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Caspi et al. (2002): low MAOA activity predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood maltreatment.","correct":true,"explanation":"Caspi et al. found an interaction: low MAOA activity increased vulnerability to later antisocial behaviour chiefly among individuals exposed to childhood maltreatment."},{"text":"Caspi et al. (2002): low MAOA activity predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood enrichment.","correct":false,"explanation":"The study identified adverse childhood experience, not enrichment, as the environmental condition that strengthened the association. The correct term is maltreatment."},{"text":"Caspi et al. (2002): high MAOA activity predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood maltreatment.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the biological finding. The interaction involved low MAOA activity, which was associated with later antisocial behaviour mainly following childhood maltreatment."},{"text":"Caspi et al. (2002): low MAOA activity predicted later antisocial behaviour mainly after childhood maturity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Maturity is not the adverse environmental experience identified in the study. The relevant interaction was between low MAOA activity and childhood maltreatment."}]},{"id":"e8c26f87-7cf8-41db-9e0a-984855361911","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why do genetic findings not prove a "crime gene"?","back":"Genes affect risk and interact with environment; offending is not guaranteed.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Genes affect risk and interact with environment; offending is not guaranteed.","correct":true,"explanation":"Genetic findings usually indicate a probabilistic vulnerability rather than an inevitable outcome. Environmental experiences can increase or reduce how that risk is expressed."},{"text":"Genes affect destiny and interact with environment; offending is not guaranteed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Describing genes as determining destiny implies that offending is inevitable, contradicting the interactionist evidence. Genes affect risk, while environmental factors influence whether offending develops."},{"text":"Genes affect intelligence and interact with environment; offending is not guaranteed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Intelligence is not the specific conclusion being tested, and this wording does not explain why genetic findings cannot prove a crime gene. Genes affect risk rather than guaranteeing offending."},{"text":"Genes affect appearance and interact with environment; offending is not guaranteed.","correct":false,"explanation":"Physical appearance does not capture the probabilistic relationship between genetic vulnerability and offending. The correct point is that genes affect risk and interact with environmental influences."}]},{"id":"86d14a53-b19d-4224-b870-d4ca325d4a73","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"The [ ] is involved in fear, threat detection and emotional learning.","back":"The amygdala is involved in fear, threat detection and emotional learning.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"amygdala","correct":true,"explanation":"The amygdala contributes to fear processing, threat detection and emotional learning, including responses to emotionally significant or potentially dangerous stimuli."},{"text":"hippocampus","correct":false,"explanation":"The hippocampus is primarily associated with memory formation and contextual processing rather than the core detection of threat and fear responses. The correct structure is the amygdala."},{"text":"cerebellum","correct":false,"explanation":"The cerebellum mainly coordinates movement and contributes to balance and motor learning. Fear, threat detection and emotional learning are more directly associated with the amygdala."},{"text":"hypothalamus","correct":false,"explanation":"The hypothalamus helps regulate drives and physiological responses, but it is not the main structure identified for fear, threat detection and emotional learning. That structure is the amygdala."}]},{"id":"fcb66c7a-343a-48c4-bd26-44f91ca0af57","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How could poor amygdala functioning raise offending risk?","back":"Harder to learn from fear or recognise others' distress.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Harder to learn from fear or recognise others' distress.","correct":true,"explanation":"Poor amygdala functioning may weaken fear conditioning and recognition of distress cues, reducing sensitivity to punishment and the emotional consequences of harming other people."},{"text":"Harder to learn from rewards or recognise others' distress.","correct":false,"explanation":"The proposed problem concerns learning from fear and punishment, not rewards. Reduced amygdala functioning may make fear learning and recognition of others’ distress more difficult."},{"text":"Easier to learn from fear or recognise others' distress.","correct":false,"explanation":"Improved fear learning and distress recognition would generally increase sensitivity to consequences and victims, rather than raise offending risk. The proposed effect is that these processes become harder."},{"text":"Harder to learn from fear or ignore others' distress.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ignoring distress does not describe the relevant amygdala function precisely. Poor functioning may make it harder to recognise others’ distress and to learn from fear."}]},{"id":"9a581fb8-e786-4680-b463-88eb2b0ad952","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why can offender brain-scan findings be weak evidence for causation?","back":"They are often correlational: differences may be cause, effect or third variable.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"They are often correlational: differences may be cause, effect or third variable.","correct":true,"explanation":"Brain scans identify associations between neural differences and offending, but cannot establish direction of causality or exclude another factor that influences both variables."},{"text":"They are often experimental: differences are directly manipulated to establish cause and effect.","correct":false,"explanation":"Offender brain characteristics are not normally manipulated experimentally because this would be impractical and unethical. The evidence is correlational, so causation and third variables remain unresolved."},{"text":"They are often longitudinal: differences always appear before the offending behaviour develops.","correct":false,"explanation":"Most brain-scan findings do not demonstrate that neural differences invariably preceded offending. They are commonly correlational, leaving cause, effect and third-variable explanations possible."},{"text":"They are often deterministic: differences prove that biological factors alone produce offending behaviour.","correct":false,"explanation":"A neural association does not prove that biology alone determines crime. Brain-scan evidence is usually correlational, so environmental influences, reverse causation and third variables may explain it."}]},{"id":"60d05ea8-bd78-45b0-92a6-78bf63e06375","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] means reduced self-control or restraint, making impulses more likely to be acted on.","back":"Disinhibition means reduced self-control or restraint, making impulses more likely to be acted on.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Disinhibition","correct":true,"explanation":"Disinhibition is the weakening of normal restraints and self-control, increasing the likelihood that an individual will act on aggressive, antisocial or otherwise suppressed impulses."},{"text":"Conditioning","correct":false,"explanation":"Conditioning is learning through associations or consequences, rather than a reduction in restraint. The correct term is disinhibition, which allows impulses to be acted upon more readily."},{"text":"Socialisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Socialisation is the process of learning society’s norms and values, not the loss of self-control. Disinhibition specifically describes reduced restraint over impulsive behaviour."},{"text":"Individuation","correct":false,"explanation":"Individuation concerns developing a distinct personal identity, rather than weakened behavioural restraint. Disinhibition is the reduction of self-control that makes acting on impulses more likely."}]},{"id":"6e05bae9-4a95-462b-a942-2bc978de9b20","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can alcohol increase offending in the disinhibition hypothesis?","back":"It reduces punishment anxiety and increases impulsive reactions to cues.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It reduces punishment anxiety and increases impulsive reactions to cues.","correct":true,"explanation":"Alcohol can weaken anxiety about punishment and reduce restraint, so immediate environmental cues and impulses exert greater influence over behaviour, increasing the risk of offending."},{"text":"It increases punishment anxiety and suppresses impulsive reactions to cues.","correct":false,"explanation":"The direction of both effects is reversed. The disinhibition hypothesis proposes that alcohol reduces punishment anxiety and increases impulsive responding to immediate cues."},{"text":"It reduces social learning and prevents aggressive reactions to cues.","correct":false,"explanation":"Disinhibition is not explained by alcohol preventing social learning or aggression. Alcohol lowers punishment anxiety and restraint, making impulsive reactions to cues more likely."},{"text":"It strengthens moral reasoning and increases deliberate reactions to cues.","correct":false,"explanation":"Alcohol does not increase offending by strengthening moral reasoning or deliberation. It reduces punishment anxiety and self-control, increasing impulsive rather than carefully considered reactions."}]},{"id":"c49a63bc-c3dd-4072-aca1-7c0b44612953","cardType":"basic","points":3,"front":"What is Eysenck's criminal personality profile?","back":"

High extraversion
High neuroticism
High psychoticism

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

High extraversion
High neuroticism
High psychoticism

","correct":true,"explanation":"Eysenck proposed that offenders tend to score highly on extraversion, neuroticism and psychoticism, producing poor conditionability, emotional instability and tendencies such as aggression or lack of empathy."},{"text":"

Low extraversion
High neuroticism
High psychoticism

","correct":false,"explanation":"Low extraversion contradicts Eysenck’s proposed criminal profile. He predicted high extraversion alongside high neuroticism and high psychoticism, partly because extraverts are harder to condition."},{"text":"

High extraversion
Low neuroticism
High psychoticism

","correct":false,"explanation":"Low neuroticism is not part of Eysenck’s criminal profile. The theory predicts high extraversion, high neuroticism and high psychoticism, with neuroticism contributing emotional instability."},{"text":"

High extraversion
High neuroticism
Low psychoticism

","correct":false,"explanation":"Low psychoticism reverses an essential part of the profile. Eysenck associated criminality with high extraversion, high neuroticism and high psychoticism, including aggression and reduced empathy."}]},{"id":"5ee550a4-e086-4f9c-8ba4-67c8dfc5ebed","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why may high extraversion make social rules harder to learn, according to Eysenck?","back":"Lower cortical arousal makes conditioning less effective.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Lower cortical arousal makes conditioning less effective.","correct":true,"explanation":"Eysenck argued that extraverts have relatively low cortical arousal and therefore require stronger stimulation. Their weaker conditionability makes learning anxiety responses to rule-breaking more difficult."},{"text":"Higher cortical arousal makes conditioning more effective.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Eysenck’s account and would make social rules easier to learn. High extraversion is linked to lower cortical arousal and less effective conditioning."},{"text":"Lower moral reasoning makes conditioning more effective.","correct":false,"explanation":"Eysenck explained extraverts’ poor conditionability through low cortical arousal, not low moral reasoning. Conditioning is less effective, making the development of rule-based restraints harder."},{"text":"Higher punishment anxiety makes conditioning less effective.","correct":false,"explanation":"Greater punishment anxiety would generally support avoidance learning rather than explain weak socialisation. Eysenck attributed poorer conditioning in extraverts to lower cortical arousal."}]},{"id":"04f7e557-53b4-42b4-bccb-87d8c7dabb0c","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"For Eysenck, [ ] develops through conditioning, but some personalities condition less easily.","back":"For Eysenck, conscience develops through conditioning, but some personalities condition less easily.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"conscience","correct":true,"explanation":"Eysenck argued that conscience is a conditioned anxiety response acquired when antisocial behaviour is repeatedly associated with punishment, although personality affects how readily this conditioning occurs."},{"text":"intelligence","correct":false,"explanation":"Intelligence is not treated by Eysenck as a product of conditioning in this explanation. Conscience develops through conditioned associations between antisocial acts and punishment."},{"text":"temperament","correct":false,"explanation":"Temperament refers to relatively stable, biologically influenced personality tendencies that affect conditionability. Eysenck instead proposed that conscience itself develops through conditioning."},{"text":"self-esteem","correct":false,"explanation":"Self-esteem concerns evaluation of personal worth and is not the conditioned restraint in Eysenck’s account. The theory identifies conscience as developing through punishment-based conditioning."}]},{"id":"e06b954f-9fd2-46e7-a631-8c5cf7fd4de3","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can weak executive functioning increase vulnerability to offending?","back":"Poor planning or inhibition makes consequences harder to consider.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Poor planning or inhibition makes consequences harder to consider.","correct":true,"explanation":"Executive functions support planning, impulse control and evaluation of future outcomes. Weaknesses in these processes can make consequences less influential when an individual chooses how to act."},{"text":"Poor planning or inhibition makes consequences easier to consider.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the effect of executive-function weakness. Poor planning and inhibition make future consequences harder, not easier, to evaluate before acting."},{"text":"Poor planning or inhibition makes impulses easier to suppress.","correct":false,"explanation":"Weak inhibition increases difficulty suppressing impulses rather than improving control over them. It also makes consequences harder to consider, increasing vulnerability to offending."},{"text":"Poor planning or inhibition makes decisions more carefully considered.","correct":false,"explanation":"Executive dysfunction reduces deliberation rather than producing more careful decisions. Poor planning and inhibition make it harder to consider consequences before responding impulsively."}]},{"id":"9f2e6034-84a2-4a79-8535-67f73e0d6107","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How did Moffitt (1993) explain life-course-persistent antisocial behaviour?","back":"Early neuropsychological difficulties interact with disadvantaged environments.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Early neuropsychological difficulties interact with disadvantaged environments.","correct":true,"explanation":"Moffitt proposed that early cognitive, behavioural or neurological vulnerabilities interact with adverse environments, creating persistent difficulties that support antisocial behaviour across the life course."},{"text":"Adolescent maturity-gap pressures interact with antisocial peer models.","correct":false,"explanation":"The maturity gap and imitation of peers explain Moffitt’s adolescence-limited group, not life-course-persistent offending. Persistent behaviour begins with neuropsychological difficulties interacting with disadvantage."},{"text":"Inherited criminal tendencies operate independently of childhood environments.","correct":false,"explanation":"Moffitt did not claim that an inherited criminal tendency acts independently of experience. Life-course persistence arises from neuropsychological difficulties interacting with disadvantaged environments."},{"text":"Temporary identity difficulties disappear when adult roles are achieved.","correct":false,"explanation":"Temporary problems that fade with access to adult roles describe adolescence-limited antisocial behaviour. Life-course-persistent behaviour reflects early neuropsychological difficulties interacting with environmental disadvantage."}]},{"id":"9a917e99-0b08-4512-80b9-12454f277c97","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which offending pattern does psychopathic personality best explain?","back":"Persistent, callous offending with emotional detachment from victims.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Persistent, callous offending with emotional detachment from victims.","correct":true,"explanation":"Psychopathic personality is characterised by callousness, limited empathy and shallow emotion, so it best explains persistent offending carried out without concern for victims’ suffering."},{"text":"Occasional, remorseful offending followed by emotional concern for victims.","correct":false,"explanation":"Remorse and concern for victims conflict with the callousness and limited empathy associated with psychopathy. The best-explained pattern is persistent, callous offending with emotional detachment."},{"text":"Temporary, anxious offending caused by emotional attachment to victims.","correct":false,"explanation":"Anxiety and strong emotional attachment are not defining features of psychopathy. Psychopathic personality best explains persistent, callous offending accompanied by emotional detachment from victims."},{"text":"Isolated, compassionate offending with emotional sensitivity towards victims.","correct":false,"explanation":"Compassion and emotional sensitivity are the reverse of psychopathic traits such as callousness and low empathy. Psychopathy best explains persistent offending involving emotional detachment from victims."}]},{"id":"35e6f827-7b36-457a-8028-acec97903d22","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially [ ] and [ ] social groups.","back":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially close and frequent social groups.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially close and frequent social groups.","correct":true,"explanation":"Sutherland argued that learning is most influential in close, frequently encountered groups because repeated personal interaction transmits criminal techniques and definitions favourable to offending."},{"text":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially distant and infrequent social groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Distant and infrequent contacts have relatively little influence in differential association theory. Criminal learning is strongest through close and frequent social groups."},{"text":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially close and infrequent social groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"This retains closeness but overlooks the importance of repeated exposure. Sutherland emphasised close and frequent groups because regular interaction strengthens the learning of criminal attitudes and techniques."},{"text":"Differential association theory says criminal behaviour is learned through interaction with others, especially distant and frequent social groups.","correct":false,"explanation":"Frequency alone is insufficient because impersonal contacts are less influential. Differential association theory particularly emphasises social groups that are both close and frequent."}]},{"id":"f69fdc76-2845-4793-8381-df3db8471702","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What does Sutherland say criminal associates teach?","back":"

Techniques of crime
Attitudes that justify crime

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Techniques of crime
Attitudes that justify crime

","correct":true,"explanation":"Sutherland proposed that criminal associates teach both practical methods for committing offences and definitions or attitudes that make law-breaking appear justified or acceptable."},{"text":"

Genes linked to crime
Instincts that cause crime

","correct":false,"explanation":"Genes and instincts belong to biological explanations rather than differential association theory. Sutherland argued that associates teach techniques of crime and attitudes that justify crime."},{"text":"

Punishments for crime
Fears that prevent crime

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the theory by focusing on deterrence from offending. Sutherland proposed that criminal associates transmit techniques and attitudes that support and justify crime."},{"text":"

Labels attached to crime
Stigmas caused by crime

","correct":false,"explanation":"Labels and stigma are central to labelling theory, not Sutherland’s account. Criminal associates teach techniques for offending and attitudes that justify breaking the law."}]},{"id":"35a35e72-21cf-421c-904e-47e898a0e0f3","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"When does differential association theory predict crime becomes more likely?","back":"When definitions favourable to law-breaking outweigh unfavourable ones.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"When definitions favourable to law-breaking outweigh unfavourable ones.","correct":true,"explanation":"Differential association theory predicts offending when a person encounters more attitudes supporting or justifying law-breaking than attitudes opposing it."},{"text":"When definitions unfavourable to law-breaking outweigh favourable ones.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Sutherland’s proposed balance: predominantly unfavourable definitions discourage offending. Crime becomes more likely when definitions favourable to law-breaking outweigh unfavourable ones."},{"text":"When punishments attached to law-breaking outweigh favourable outcomes.","correct":false,"explanation":"This describes a deterrence calculation rather than differential association. Sutherland predicts crime when learned definitions favourable to law-breaking outweigh definitions that oppose it."},{"text":"When biological impulses towards law-breaking outweigh social influences.","correct":false,"explanation":"Differential association is a social learning explanation, not a biological one. It predicts offending when definitions favourable to law-breaking outweigh unfavourable definitions."}]},{"id":"c5ab563f-3106-42fd-a181-5839c436985d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How can gender socialisation explain higher male violent or risk-taking offending?","back":"Boys may be rewarded for dominance, toughness, risk-taking and aggression.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Boys may be rewarded for dominance, toughness, risk-taking and aggression.","correct":true,"explanation":"Gender socialisation may encourage boys to display traditionally masculine traits such as dominance, toughness and aggression, increasing opportunities for violent or risky offending."},{"text":"Boys may be rewarded for submission, gentleness, caution and passivity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Submission, caution and passivity would be expected to reduce violent or risky behaviour. The explanation instead focuses on rewards for dominance, toughness, risk-taking and aggression."},{"text":"Boys may be punished for dominance, toughness, risk-taking and aggression.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the proposed reinforcement process. Gender socialisation explains higher male offending by suggesting that boys may be rewarded, rather than punished, for dominant and aggressive behaviour."},{"text":"Boys may be rewarded for obedience, sensitivity, caution and cooperation.","correct":false,"explanation":"These traits do not explain increased male violence or risk-taking because they generally discourage confrontation. The account emphasises rewards for dominance, toughness, risk-taking and aggression."}]},{"id":"49326b02-7398-4f74-a594-8e512891d4e6","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What did Messerschmidt (1993) mean by crime as "doing masculinity"?","back":"Crime may express masculinity when legitimate status is blocked.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Crime may express masculinity when legitimate status is blocked.","correct":true,"explanation":"Messerschmidt argued that offending can become a way to demonstrate masculinity when conventional routes to masculine status, power or achievement are unavailable."},{"text":"Crime may express femininity when legitimate status is blocked.","correct":false,"explanation":"Messerschmidt’s account concerns attempts to achieve masculine identity and status, not femininity. Crime may express masculinity when legitimate routes to status are blocked."},{"text":"Crime may reject masculinity when legitimate status is achieved.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses both parts of the explanation. Messerschmidt proposed that crime may express masculinity specifically when legitimate means of gaining status are blocked."},{"text":"Crime may express conformity when legitimate status is blocked.","correct":false,"explanation":"Crime violates conventional rules, so it does not express conformity in this account. It can instead serve as a way of expressing masculinity when legitimate status is blocked."}]},{"id":"178e3c8b-ff78-405c-9389-b0c8a5722859","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"[ ] says behaviours once seen as deviant can become ordinary or acceptable within a group or culture.","back":"Normalisation theory says behaviours once seen as deviant can become ordinary or acceptable within a group or culture.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Normalisation theory","correct":true,"explanation":"Normalisation theory explains how behaviour previously regarded as deviant can become common, openly accepted and treated as ordinary within a particular group or culture."},{"text":"Labelling theory","correct":false,"explanation":"Labelling theory examines how social reactions and deviant labels can shape identity and behaviour. Normalisation theory specifically explains how deviant behaviour becomes ordinary or acceptable."},{"text":"Differential association theory","correct":false,"explanation":"Differential association theory explains how criminal techniques and attitudes are learned from associates. Normalisation theory explains how once-deviant behaviour becomes accepted as ordinary."},{"text":"Social learning theory","correct":false,"explanation":"Social learning theory focuses on imitation, identification and reinforcement. The process by which deviant practices become seen as ordinary or acceptable is described by normalisation theory."}]},{"id":"e809288e-ec77-46cc-976d-bd8d3f2036f6","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"When does normalisation make illegal behaviour feel less criminal?","back":"When it becomes common, openly discussed and seen as low-risk.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"When it becomes common, openly discussed and seen as low-risk.","correct":true,"explanation":"Frequent occurrence, open discussion and a perception of low risk can make illegal behaviour appear ordinary, socially accepted and less seriously criminal."},{"text":"When it becomes rare, secretly discussed and seen as high-risk.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rarity, secrecy and perceived danger would preserve the behaviour’s deviant status. Normalisation occurs when it becomes common, openly discussed and viewed as low-risk."},{"text":"When it becomes common, openly condemned and seen as high-risk.","correct":false,"explanation":"Common occurrence alone does not ensure normalisation if the behaviour remains strongly condemned and dangerous. It feels less criminal when openly discussed and regarded as low-risk."},{"text":"When it becomes unusual, openly discussed and seen as low-risk.","correct":false,"explanation":"Open discussion and low perceived risk can support acceptance, but unusual behaviour has not become normal. Normalisation requires it to become common within the group or culture."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-18","paperLabel":"Component 1"},"heading":"Criminal behaviours: explanations","title":"Criminal behaviours: explanations Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/psychology/eduqas/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L37"}]}],"topicId":"0453340b-148b-55cd-ae14-b6f1e11d57d9","walled":"$L38"}],"$L39","$L3a"]