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government intervention, allowing private individuals and market forces to determine production, prices and exchange."},{"text":"nationalisation","correct":false,"explanation":"Nationalisation transfers privately owned industries to state ownership, increasing government control. The correct term is laissez-faire, which favours minimal state interference in the economy."},{"text":"dirigisme","correct":false,"explanation":"Dirigisme involves active state direction of economic activity rather than minimal interference. Laissez-faire is the conservative economic principle described here."},{"text":"central planning","correct":false,"explanation":"Central planning replaces market decisions with government control over production and allocation. Laissez-faire instead means that the state interferes as little as possible."}]},{"id":"a10c275e-dfbe-41ae-835a-558a3da40502","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What source of knowledge does empiricism prioritise over abstract theory alone?","back":"Experience and observation of what has worked in practice.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Experience and observation of what has worked in practice.","correct":true,"explanation":"Empiricism treats knowledge derived from experience and observation as more reliable than conclusions based solely on abstract reasoning or untested principles."},{"text":"Reason and deduction from abstract first principles.","correct":false,"explanation":"Reason and deduction are associated with rationalism and abstract theorising. Empiricism instead prioritises experience and observation of arrangements that have worked in practice."},{"text":"Ideological speculation about what ought to work in theory.","correct":false,"explanation":"Ideological speculation begins with general doctrines rather than practical evidence. Empiricism prioritises experience and observation of what has actually worked in practice."},{"text":"Intuition and instinct about what feels naturally correct.","correct":false,"explanation":"Intuition and instinct do not provide the practical evidence emphasised by empiricism. Empiricists prioritise experience and observation of what has worked in practice."}]},{"id":"f647c646-b522-4371-abc7-81a9e759f2dd","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"Which side of conservatism do Rand and Nozick best illustrate?","back":"The libertarian, free-market New Right side.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"The libertarian, free-market New Right side.","correct":true,"explanation":"Rand’s defence of individualism and capitalism, together with Nozick’s minimal-state theory, places both thinkers on the libertarian and free-market wing of the New Right."},{"text":"The paternalist, one-nation conservative side.","correct":false,"explanation":"One-nation paternalism accepts social obligations and greater state intervention to preserve cohesion. Rand and Nozick instead represent the libertarian, free-market New Right."},{"text":"The authoritarian, traditional conservative side.","correct":false,"explanation":"Traditional authoritarian conservatism stresses obedience and strong governing institutions. Rand and Nozick are better classified with the libertarian, free-market New Right."},{"text":"The moral, socially conservative New Right side.","correct":false,"explanation":"Social conservatism focuses primarily on morality, family and traditional values. Rand and Nozick chiefly illustrate the libertarian, free-market New Right."}]},{"id":"cc4b39d3-0e2d-440e-adfd-4c34d21da9c5","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"For Hobbes, what would a state of nature produce?","back":"Fear, conflict and instability.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Fear, conflict and instability.","correct":true,"explanation":"Hobbes believed that without a sovereign authority, insecure and self-interested individuals would compete violently, producing pervasive fear, conflict and political instability."},{"text":"Peace, cooperation and stability.","correct":false,"explanation":"Natural harmony is closer to an optimistic account of human nature than Hobbes’ view. He believed the absence of authority would produce fear, conflict and instability."},{"text":"Freedom, security and prosperity.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hobbes did not expect secure liberty without government because individuals would remain vulnerable to one another. His state of nature produces fear, conflict and instability."},{"text":"Order, trust and social harmony.","correct":false,"explanation":"Spontaneous order is associated with later arguments about markets, not Hobbes’ state of nature. Hobbes expected fear, conflict and instability without a sovereign."}]},{"id":"e1eca876-817e-40da-94a4-b3d0f997a593","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Hobbes think strong authority can protect freedom?","back":"Security makes meaningful freedom possible.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Security makes meaningful freedom possible.","correct":true,"explanation":"For Hobbes, protection from violence and disorder creates the stable conditions in which people can exercise meaningful freedom rather than merely struggle for survival."},{"text":"Equality makes meaningful freedom possible.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hobbes does not make equality the foundation of freedom; equal vulnerability contributes to insecurity. Security under a strong sovereign makes meaningful freedom possible."},{"text":"Competition makes meaningful freedom possible.","correct":false,"explanation":"Competition without effective authority contributes to conflict in Hobbes’ state of nature. Security created by strong authority is what makes meaningful freedom possible."},{"text":"Autonomy makes meaningful freedom possible.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hobbes sees unrestricted independence as dangerous because it leaves everyone exposed to violence. Security, rather than complete autonomy, makes meaningful freedom possible."}]},{"id":"67bb1478-f251-4e7d-b3ca-0fef76d3a1a7","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Hobbes supports the conservative belief that politics must be built around [ ], not idealised human goodness.","back":"Hobbes supports the conservative belief that politics must be built around human imperfection, not idealised human goodness.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"human imperfection","correct":true,"explanation":"Hobbes views people as vulnerable, competitive and driven by self-preservation, so political institutions must accommodate human imperfection rather than assume natural goodness."},{"text":"natural benevolence","correct":false,"explanation":"Natural benevolence presents the optimistic view rejected by Hobbes. His politics begins from human imperfection, including selfishness, vulnerability and the capacity for conflict."},{"text":"human perfectibility","correct":false,"explanation":"Human perfectibility implies that people can overcome their flaws through progress or education. Hobbes instead builds politics around enduring human imperfection."},{"text":"rational altruism","correct":false,"explanation":"Rational altruism assumes people reliably use reason to advance others’ welfare. Hobbes emphasises self-preservation and conflict, making human imperfection the foundation of politics."}]},{"id":"f74e6aab-b6e1-43f1-9555-37e374fc3f3d","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What is a key criticism of Hobbes’ argument for order?","back":"It gives too much state power and too little rights protection.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It gives too much state power and too little rights protection.","correct":true,"explanation":"Hobbes’ near-absolute sovereign may secure order, but it provides weak safeguards against rulers abusing their extensive power or violating individuals’ rights."},{"text":"It gives too little state power and too much rights protection.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hobbes is criticised for granting the sovereign excessive power, not insufficient authority. His theory gives too much state power and too little rights protection."},{"text":"It gives too much individual freedom and too little social order.","correct":false,"explanation":"Hobbes restricts individual liberty to establish order rather than allowing excessive personal freedom. The criticism is that he grants too much state power and inadequately protects rights."},{"text":"It gives too little political authority and too much personal liberty.","correct":false,"explanation":"The Hobbesian sovereign is designed to enforce order strongly, not weakly. Critics argue that this gives the state excessive power while offering too little protection for rights."}]},{"id":"20f25026-e7da-44ed-a277-2d4cb4856889","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"According to Burke, how should political change happen?","back":"Cautiously, gradually and organically.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Cautiously, gradually and organically.","correct":true,"explanation":"Burke favoured careful reform that grows from inherited institutions and practical experience, avoiding abrupt disruption to the complex relationships holding society together."},{"text":"Rapidly, radically and systematically.","correct":false,"explanation":"Sudden revolutionary reconstruction rejects Burke’s respect for inheritance and accumulated wisdom. He argued that change should occur cautiously, gradually and organically."},{"text":"Rationally, completely and abstractly.","correct":false,"explanation":"Burke opposed redesigning society according to abstract rational plans because their consequences were unpredictable. He favoured cautious, gradual and organic political change."},{"text":"Reluctantly, rarely and minimally.","correct":false,"explanation":"Burke did not reject all change; he regarded timely reform as necessary for preservation. Political change should therefore be cautious, gradual and organic."}]},{"id":"26a41f42-e91d-49ae-bb6e-55e638efecba","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Burke distrust sudden revolutionary change?","back":"It may destroy valuable inherited arrangements before their purpose is understood.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It may destroy valuable inherited arrangements before their purpose is understood.","correct":true,"explanation":"Burke believes inherited institutions may embody accumulated social experience whose benefits are not immediately obvious. Sudden revolution risks destroying this practical wisdom before reformers understand its function."},{"text":"It may prevent rational political principles from replacing customs that are already understood.","correct":false,"explanation":"Burke does not prioritise abstract rational principles over inherited customs. He fears revolution may destroy valuable inherited arrangements before their purpose and accumulated practical value are understood."},{"text":"It may strengthen individual freedom and equality before social order can be restored.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Burke’s concern by presenting revolutionary outcomes as beneficial. His objection is that sudden change may destroy valuable inherited arrangements before their purpose is understood."},{"text":"It may preserve harmful traditional arrangements after their purpose has disappeared.","correct":false,"explanation":"Preserving harmful traditions is a possible criticism of Burkean conservatism, not Burke’s reason for distrusting revolution. He fears valuable inherited arrangements may be destroyed before their purpose is understood."}]},{"id":"fb5f8b8a-0e8c-483d-bc07-bde1b6549cfc","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Burke’s [ ] treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of [ ].","back":"Burke’s empiricism treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of practical wisdom.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Burke’s empiricism treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of practical wisdom.","correct":true,"explanation":"Burke’s empiricism values knowledge gained through historical experience. Institutions that have endured may contain practical wisdom accumulated across generations, even when their full purpose is not immediately apparent."},{"text":"Burke’s rationalism treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of practical wisdom.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rationalism emphasises abstract reason, which Burke distrusted as a basis for redesigning society. His empiricism sees long-lasting institutions as possible sources of practical wisdom derived from experience."},{"text":"Burke’s empiricism treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of natural equality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Burke does not value enduring institutions primarily because they produce natural equality. His empiricism suggests they may embody practical wisdom accumulated through long historical experience."},{"text":"Burke’s individualism treats long-lasting institutions as possible sources of abstract reason.","correct":false,"explanation":"Individualism and abstract reason do not capture Burke’s defence of inherited institutions. His empiricism treats their survival as evidence that they may contain accumulated practical wisdom."}]},{"id":"b11dd941-8836-4549-b2a3-0b64f17938a2","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What weakness can Burkean respect for tradition have?","back":"It may protect inequality, privilege or outdated institutions.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It may protect inequality, privilege or outdated institutions.","correct":true,"explanation":"Respecting inherited arrangements can preserve institutions simply because they are traditional. This may entrench unjust inequality and privilege or prevent outdated institutions from being reformed."},{"text":"It may promote equality, merit or modern institutions.","correct":false,"explanation":"These are generally possible benefits of reform rather than weaknesses of traditionalism. Burkean respect for tradition may instead protect inequality, privilege or institutions that have become outdated."},{"text":"It may encourage revolution, disorder or rapid transformation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Burkean respect for tradition is intended to restrain revolution and rapid transformation, not encourage them. Its weakness is that it may protect inequality, privilege or outdated institutions."},{"text":"It may eliminate hierarchy, authority or inherited customs.","correct":false,"explanation":"Eliminating hierarchy and inherited customs is associated more closely with radical change. Burkean traditionalism may instead preserve inequality, privilege or outdated institutions by resisting necessary reform."}]},{"id":"004a529b-858d-430c-8c66-d19de4d5aed5","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Oakeshott reject grand ideological schemes?","back":"Society is too complex for a fixed political blueprint.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Society is too complex for a fixed political blueprint.","correct":true,"explanation":"Oakeshott sees society as complex and shaped by countless practices and experiences. A fixed ideological blueprint cannot anticipate every circumstance or consequence of political action."},{"text":"Society is naturally equal under a fixed political blueprint.","correct":false,"explanation":"Oakeshott does not reject ideology because society is naturally equal. He argues that society is too complex for any fixed political blueprint to direct successfully."},{"text":"Society is easily understood through a fixed political blueprint.","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses Oakeshott’s argument. He believes society is too complex to be fully understood or successfully reorganised through a predetermined ideological blueprint."},{"text":"Society is entirely unchanging without a fixed political blueprint.","correct":false,"explanation":"Oakeshott accepts change but prefers cautious, practical adaptation. He rejects grand schemes because society is too complex for a fixed political blueprint, not because society is unchanging."}]},{"id":"808f9996-38ad-4ba8-b9c5-ada906af1bd5","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"For Oakeshott, what should guide politics instead of rigid doctrine?","back":"Practical circumstances, experience and likely consequences.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Practical circumstances, experience and likely consequences.","correct":true,"explanation":"Oakeshott views politics as a practical activity rather than the application of abstract doctrine. Decisions should respond to circumstances, draw on experience and consider their likely consequences."},{"text":"Abstract principles, ideology and ultimate objectives.","correct":false,"explanation":"These reflect the doctrinaire approach Oakeshott rejects. He argues that politics should instead be guided by practical circumstances, accumulated experience and the likely consequences of action."},{"text":"Popular enthusiasm, revolution and immediate transformation.","correct":false,"explanation":"Oakeshott distrusts revolutionary enthusiasm because it overlooks complexity and unintended consequences. Politics should be guided by practical circumstances, experience and likely consequences instead."},{"text":"Natural rights, equality and universal rationalism.","correct":false,"explanation":"Universal rationalist principles belong to the abstract politics Oakeshott criticises. He favours judgement based on practical circumstances, experience and likely consequences rather than rigid doctrine."}]},{"id":"370fdc6d-5766-4f76-ade4-52d1e1607dfb","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a [ ]: preferring the [ ] over the untested.","back":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a disposition: preferring the familiar over the untested.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a disposition: preferring the familiar over the untested.","correct":true,"explanation":"Oakeshott presents conservatism as a disposition or inclination rather than a rigid ideology. It involves valuing familiar, proven arrangements over uncertain and untested alternatives."},{"text":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a doctrine: preferring the familiar over the untested.","correct":false,"explanation":"Calling conservatism a doctrine wrongly makes it a fixed ideological system. Oakeshott describes it as a disposition that inclines people to prefer familiar arrangements over untested alternatives."},{"text":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a disposition: preferring the ideal over the untested.","correct":false,"explanation":"Oakeshott’s disposition does not favour an abstract ideal, which may itself be untested. It prefers what is familiar and proven through experience over uncertain alternatives."},{"text":"For Oakeshott, conservatism is a revolution: preferring the novel over the untested.","correct":false,"explanation":"Revolution and novelty contradict Oakeshott’s conservative outlook. He defines conservatism as a disposition that prefers familiar and tested arrangements over uncertain alternatives."}]},{"id":"9793ec5f-0329-4f02-bd8c-112016d7663b","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What is a weakness of Oakeshott’s pragmatism?","back":"It can seem vague and lack clear answers for urgent reform.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It can seem vague and lack clear answers for urgent reform.","correct":true,"explanation":"Because Oakeshott offers a flexible disposition rather than a detailed programme, his pragmatism may provide too little guidance when serious problems demand clear and urgent reform."},{"text":"It can seem dogmatic and impose clear answers for urgent reform.","correct":false,"explanation":"Dogmatism is characteristic of the rigid ideological politics Oakeshott rejects. The criticism of his pragmatism is instead that it can seem vague and lack clear answers for urgent reform."},{"text":"It can seem revolutionary and demand rapid answers for urgent reform.","correct":false,"explanation":"Oakeshott’s pragmatism is cautious rather than revolutionary and does not demand rapid transformation. Its weakness is that it may seem vague when urgent reform requires clear answers."},{"text":"It can seem systematic and provide fixed answers for urgent reform.","correct":false,"explanation":"A systematic set of fixed answers would resemble the ideological blueprints Oakeshott opposes. His pragmatism is criticised because it may appear vague and offer insufficient direction for urgent reform."}]},{"id":"bb0a25ef-c1bc-44e8-babb-ddff59811b1b","cardType":"basic","points":1,"front":"What moral principle is central to Rand’s objectivism?","back":"Rational self-interest.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Rational self-interest.","correct":true,"explanation":"Rand’s objectivism holds that individuals should use reason to pursue their own long-term flourishing. Rational self-interest, rather than self-sacrifice, is therefore its central moral principle."},{"text":"Altruistic self-sacrifice.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand explicitly rejects altruistic self-sacrifice as a moral duty because it subordinates the individual to others. Objectivism instead centres on rational self-interest and individual flourishing."},{"text":"Collective social equality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Collective equality is not Rand’s central moral aim and may require sacrificing individual interests. Objectivism instead treats rational self-interest as the proper basis of morality."},{"text":"Traditional religious duty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand’s objectivism is secular and grounds morality in reason, not inherited religious commands. Its central moral principle is rational self-interest pursued consistently and independently."}]},{"id":"4ec9c00a-e990-42cb-b922-8f22cb597a7c","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from [ ], so she supports [ ].","back":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from coercion, so she supports laissez-faire capitalism.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from coercion, so she supports laissez-faire capitalism.","correct":true,"explanation":"Rand understands liberty negatively, as the absence of coercion. She therefore favours laissez-faire capitalism, in which voluntary exchange occurs without extensive government direction or compulsion."},{"text":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from interference, so she supports welfare capitalism.","correct":false,"explanation":"Welfare capitalism permits substantial state intervention, whereas Rand links freedom from coercion to laissez-faire capitalism, based on voluntary exchange and strong individual property rights."},{"text":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from coercion, so she supports state socialism.","correct":false,"explanation":"State socialism requires collective control and coercive redistribution, contradicting Rand’s individualism. Freedom from coercion leads her to support laissez-faire capitalism instead."},{"text":"Rand sees freedom as freedom from social obligation, so she supports laissez-faire capitalism.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand does not define freedom as release from social obligation. She defines it as freedom from coercion and consequently endorses laissez-faire capitalism."}]},{"id":"171f0d57-4a1d-43db-8939-d0c478029f9f","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why is Rand unusual as a conservative thinker?","back":"She is not mainly concerned with tradition or authority.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"She is not mainly concerned with tradition or authority.","correct":true,"explanation":"Unlike traditional conservatives, Rand grounds her ideas in reason, individualism and rational self-interest rather than treating inherited tradition or established authority as central."},{"text":"She bases conservatism mainly on religious faith and duty.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand rejects religious faith as a basis for political morality, emphasising reason instead. She is unusual because tradition and authority are not her main concerns."},{"text":"She rejects conservative support for property and capitalism.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand strongly defends private property and laissez-faire capitalism rather than rejecting them. Her unusual feature is her limited concern with tradition or authority."},{"text":"She favours collective ownership over individual rights and freedom.","correct":false,"explanation":"Rand is a radical individualist, not a defender of collective ownership. She differs from many conservatives because she does not primarily emphasise tradition or authority."}]},{"id":"1972f3ef-6026-4697-b474-5170a4388f60","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"What should Nozick’s minimal state legitimately do?","back":"Protect against force, theft and fraud, and enforce contracts.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"Protect against force, theft and fraud, and enforce contracts.","correct":true,"explanation":"Nozick’s minimal state is limited to protecting individuals from force, theft and fraud and ensuring contracts are upheld, rather than pursuing broader social objectives."},{"text":"Redistribute wealth, welfare and income, and enforce contracts.","correct":false,"explanation":"Redistributing wealth and providing welfare exceed Nozick’s legitimate minimal-state functions. The state should protect against force, theft and fraud and enforce contracts."},{"text":"Protect against force, theft and fraud, and enforce morality.","correct":false,"explanation":"Nozick’s state may prevent rights violations but may not impose a preferred morality. Its legitimate additional function is enforcing contracts, not regulating private conduct."},{"text":"Defend against invasion, unemployment and poverty, and regulate markets.","correct":false,"explanation":"Market regulation and welfare provision create a more extensive state than Nozick permits. A legitimate state is confined to protection from force, theft and fraud and contract enforcement."}]},{"id":"88379765-a5c9-4da6-8f98-feb66b3878aa","cardType":"cloze","points":null,"front":"Nozick’s [ ] means individuals own their bodies, talents, skills and labour.","back":"Nozick’s self-ownership means individuals own their bodies, talents, skills and labour.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"self-ownership","correct":true,"explanation":"Self-ownership means each individual has rights over their own body and capacities, including the talents, skills and labour through which they acquire holdings."},{"text":"private property","correct":false,"explanation":"Private property concerns ownership of external resources, not the foundational ownership of one’s person. Nozick calls ownership of bodies, talents, skills and labour self-ownership."},{"text":"entitlement theory","correct":false,"explanation":"Entitlement theory explains whether property holdings were justly acquired or transferred. Ownership of one’s body, talents, skills and labour is specifically self-ownership."},{"text":"possessive individualism","correct":false,"explanation":"Possessive individualism is a broader description of individualist thought, not Nozick’s precise term here. His principle that people own themselves is self-ownership."}]},{"id":"3f641f58-28b0-4702-a9d4-5d77ebe760f4","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"Why does Nozick oppose redistributive taxation?","back":"It takes justly earned income without consent, treating people as resources.","mcqOptions":[{"text":"It takes justly earned income without consent, treating people as resources.","correct":true,"explanation":"For Nozick, individuals own themselves and the income they legitimately acquire. Compulsory redistribution appropriates their labour’s product and uses them to benefit others."},{"text":"It returns inherited social wealth to its rightful collective owners.","correct":false,"explanation":"Nozick does not regard legitimately acquired wealth as a common resource. He opposes redistribution because taking justly earned income without consent violates self-ownership."},{"text":"It charges agreed protection fees with each individual’s consent.","correct":false,"explanation":"A consensual charge would not involve the rights violation central to Nozick’s objection. He opposes compulsory taxation that takes justly earned income without consent."},{"text":"It protects justly acquired property with consent, treating people as owners.","correct":false,"explanation":"Nozick does not oppose taxation because it protects just holdings; that would support his minimal state. His objection is to taking justly earned income without consent for redistribution."}]},{"id":"8ae3ed51-dd62-467a-b5b2-a8095cff21f2","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do Rand and Nozick differ in justifying economic freedom?","back":"

Rand: rational self-interest and capitalism’s moral value.
Nozick: rights, self-ownership and legitimately earned property.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Rand: rational self-interest and capitalism’s moral value.
Nozick: rights, self-ownership and legitimately earned property.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Rand morally celebrates rational self-interest and free-market capitalism. Nozick instead derives economic liberty from individual rights, self-ownership and entitlement to justly acquired property."},{"text":"

Rand: rights, self-ownership and legitimately earned property.
Nozick: rational self-interest and capitalism’s moral value.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses their characteristic justifications. Rand emphasises rational self-interest and capitalism’s moral value, while Nozick stresses rights, self-ownership and legitimate acquisition."},{"text":"

Rand: natural hierarchy and the wealthy’s paternal duty.
Nozick: social utility and capitalism’s economic efficiency.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Neither thinker principally justifies economic freedom through hierarchy, paternal duty, utility or efficiency. Rand uses rational self-interest, while Nozick relies on rights and self-ownership."},{"text":"

Rand: inherited tradition and established political authority.
Nozick: material equality and state-guaranteed positive freedom.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Tradition and authority are not Rand’s main foundations, while Nozick rejects enforced material equality. Rand stresses rational self-interest; Nozick stresses rights and self-ownership."}]},{"id":"eb0862df-483f-4b5f-b9c4-e5993bedd442","cardType":"basic","points":2,"front":"How do Burke and Oakeshott differ on cautious politics?","back":"

Burke: stresses tradition and inherited experience.
Oakeshott: stresses practical judgement in circumstances.

","mcqOptions":[{"text":"

Burke: stresses tradition and inherited experience.
Oakeshott: stresses practical judgement in circumstances.

","correct":true,"explanation":"Burke urges caution because traditions embody accumulated experience across generations. Oakeshott similarly rejects abstract schemes but places greater emphasis on situational, practical political judgement."},{"text":"

Burke: stresses practical judgement in circumstances.
Oakeshott: stresses tradition and inherited experience.

","correct":false,"explanation":"This reverses the emphasis of the two thinkers. Burke highlights tradition and inherited experience, whereas Oakeshott highlights practical judgement suited to particular circumstances."},{"text":"

Burke: stresses abstract reason and systematically planned reform.
Oakeshott: stresses ideological blueprints and predetermined goals.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Both thinkers oppose rationalist, blueprint-driven politics. Burke favours inherited tradition, while Oakeshott favours practical judgement rather than predetermined ideological goals."},{"text":"

Burke: stresses rational self-interest and individual calculation.
Oakeshott: stresses scientific expertise and technical planning.

","correct":false,"explanation":"Neither thinker makes rational self-interest or scientific expertise the basis of cautious politics. Burke relies on inherited experience, while Oakeshott stresses practical judgement."}]}]}],"examCountdown":{"examDate":"2027-05-12","paperLabel":"Paper 1"},"heading":"Conservative thinkers and their ideas","title":"Conservative thinkers and their ideas Flashcards","topbar":{"backHref":"/a-level/politics/edexcel/flashcards"},"topicSidebar":"$L38"}]}],"topicId":"cc3131a5-f443-5dae-bbbd-0cf1d1dff744","walled":"$L39"}],"$L3a","$L3b"]